•  42
    Past Tense and Past Times in Subjunctive Conditionals
    Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 98 (S1): 520-535. 2017.
    Some theories of conditionals maintain that the difference between indicative and subjunctive conditionals involves the standard temporal interpretation of past tense. I provide an argument against such theories. The argument is based on the claim that these views do not correctly predict the correspondence between tense marking and temporal interpretation in certain conditionals.
  •  84
    Subjunctive conditionals’ local contexts
    Linguistics and Philosophy 42 (3): 207-221. 2019.
    Philippe Schlenker gives a method of deriving local contexts from an expression’s classical semantics. In this paper I show that this method, when applied to the traditional variably strict semantics for subjunctive conditionals of Robert Stalnaker, David Lewis, and Angelika Kratzer, delivers an empirically incorrect prediction. The prediction is that the antecedent of a conditional should have the whole domain of possible worlds as its local context and therefore should be allowed to have only …Read more
  •  46
    Counterfactual epistemic scenarios
    Noûs 57 (1): 188-208. 2023.
    In two‐dimensional semantics in the tradition of Davies and Humberstone, whether a singular term receives an epistemically shifted reading in the scope of a modal operator depends on whether the world considered as actual is shifted. This means that epistemically shifted readings should be available only in environments where an explicit contrast between the actual world and some counterfactual worlds cannot be made. In this paper, I argue that this is incorrect. Whether a singular term receives…Read more
  •  35
    Suppose and Tell: The Semantics and Heuristics of Conditionals (review)
    Philosophical Review 131 (1): 123-127. 2022.
  •  42
    Addendum to “Subjunctive conditionals’ local contexts”
    Linguistics and Philosophy 42 (3): 223-223. 2019.
    Philippe Schlenker gives a method of deriving local contexts from an expression’s classical semantics. In this paper I show that this method, when applied to the traditional variably strict semantics for subjunctive conditionals of Robert Stalnaker, David Lewis, and Angelika Kratzer, delivers an empirically incorrect prediction. The prediction is that the antecedent of a conditional should have the whole domain of possible worlds as its local context and therefore should be allowed to have only …Read more
  •  18
    Correction to: Subjunctive conditionals’ local contexts
    Linguistics and Philosophy 44 (5): 1179-1179. 2019.
    In the original publication of an article, the citation of section 3 was missing in the published version. Now the same has been published in this correction.
  •  75
    Quantifying over Possibilities
    Philosophical Review 122 (4): 577-617. 2013.
    A person of average height would assert a truth by the conditional ‘if I were seven feet tall, I would be taller than I am,’ in which an indicative clause ‘I am’ is embedded in a subjunctive conditional. By contrast, no one would assert a truth by ‘if I were seven feet tall, I would be taller than I would be’ or ‘if I am seven feet tall, I am taller than I am’. These examples exemplify the fact that whether a sentence's evaluation remains at the actual world in the scope of a modal or conditiona…Read more
  •  83
    Explaining the Actuality Operator Away
    Philosophical Quarterly 67 (269): 709-21. 2017.
    I argue that ‘actually’ does not have a reading according to which it is synonymous with the actuality operator of modal logic, and propose an alternative account of ‘actually’. The cases that have been thought to show that ‘actually’ is synonymous with the actuality operator are modal and counterfactual sentences in which an embedded clause's evaluation is held fixed at the world of the context. In these cases, though, this embedded clause's evaluation is not due to the presence of ‘actually’. …Read more