Jose Sanchez

Epistemic Injustice in the Education of People with Mental Disabilities. This article offers a perspective on inclusive education based on Fricker's conception of epistemic injustice. What is the relationship between inclusive education and epistemic injustice in the case of students with mental deficiencies? By adapting Fricker's thesis to this extreme case, epistemic injustice can be explored via the social model of disability (SMD). Accordingly, we propose that epistemic injustice harms the entire educational community and society. Mental Disability. Epistemic Injustice. Inclusive Education. Social Model of Disability

El trabajo explora críticamente la idea de una justificación débil o pen última de la moral enmarcándola en el conjunto de la filosofía de Tugendhat, reordenan do sus escritos éticos y discriminando los diversos aspectos que incluye dicha idea. Entre ellos, revisa el concepto formal de moral, ligado a los sentimientos, antes de centrarse en el punto crucial: la fundamentación de la ética moderna. Aquí se distingue, por un lado, la justificación comparativa de un contractualismo igualitario frente a otras alternativas teóricas y, por otro, los motivos que pueden llevar a un individuo autónomo a entenderse en términos morales.

ABSTRACT – Epistemic Injustice in the Education of People with Mental Disabilities. This article offers a perspective on inclusive education based on Fricker’s conception of epistemic injustice. What is the relationship be- tween inclusive education and epistemic injustice in the case of students with mental deficiencies? By adapting Fricker’s thesis to this extreme case, epistemic injustice can be explored via the social model of disability (SMD). Accordingly, we propose that epistemic injustice harms the entire educa- tional community and society.

ésumé : Les domaines de la philosophie et de la théorie politique ont connu un certain nombre de changements au cours des quarante dernières années. L'un attire notre attention tout particulièrement ; le basculement d'un point de vue national, cristallisé par le contrat social rawlsien, vers un point de vue non-national. En effet, plusieurs penseurs abordent un ensemble de phénomènes considérés comme nouveaux, tels que les traités de libre commerce et l'économie globale, les entreprises et les institutions supra et transnationales, l'immigration et les contrôles frontaliers etc. Ces changements sont intéressants puisqu'ils obéissent, principalement, à une évolution majeure du terrain politique et social que l'on appelle mondialisation. Les théoriciens travaillant dans le domaine de la justice globale semblent s'adresser à deux questions différentes mais reliées. La première concerne la justice globale : dans quelle mesure et pourquoi l'ordre mondial est-il juste ou injuste ? Qu'est-ce qu'un ordre global juste ? La deuxième est dans un sens corollaire à la première, et concerne la responsabilité : qui devrait être blâmé ou digne d'éloge pour l'ordre mondial ? Est-ce que les citoyens sont responsables de l'ordre mondial ? Qui devrait redresser ses éventuelles conséquences injustes ? Face à l'économie mondialisée et aux institutions politiques et économiques internationales et trans-nationales, cette interrogation devient légitime et nécessaire : suis-je responsable à l'égard des travailleurs des sweat shop lorsque j'achète des habits à Auchan ou bien à l'égard des caféiculteurs très mal payés lorsque je prends un capuccino dans un café Starbucks ? Est-ce que les citoyens sont responsables des traités de libre commerce que leurs gouvernements signent ? Ces questions sur la responsabilité des individus dans le contexte de la mondialisation seront l'enjeu de ce travail de recherche. Nous interrogerons plus exactement la responsabilité d'un agent lorsqu'il fait partie d'un chaîne causale complexe, lorsqu'il participe d'une injustice structurelle. Ainsi, il ne s'agit pas seulement d'une chaîne causale, mais de connexions qui sont l'issue d'un changement des modes de productions, de consommation et de la concurrence dans un marché mondialisé. Plus important encore, il ne s'agit pas simplement de la responsabilité individuelle mais plutôt de la responsabilité individuelle en tant que citoyen, et donc d'une responsabilité politique. Elle peut certes être individuelle, mais nous devons tenir compte du fait qu'elle doit être pensée en tant que responsabilité politique, et pas uniquement morale, puisque l'individu et ses actions sont déterminés par des communautés politiques dans lesquelles il participe, ou dans lesquelles il est représenté. Ainsi, la mondialisation nous invite à repenser la responsabilité individuelle pour pouvoir rendre compte des intuitions morales et politiques qui guident une bonne partie du champ de la justice globale. Pour cela, nous verrons dans un premier temps la manière dont les théories de la justice globale essaient de répondre à ce défit. Grâce à cela nous dégagerons l'hypothèse qui nous guidera, l'idée que dans la mondialisation, un agent peut être responsable, avec d'autres, des raisons pour lesquelles il n'est pas considéré comme responsable. C'est-à-dire qu'il sera méta-responsable. Dans un second temps, nous essaierons de déterminer un model de responsabilité individuelle, et de comprendre comment la responsabilité est attribuée. Ensuite, nous essaierons de formuler une manière de concevoir la responsabilité politique. Grâce à ces deux éléments, la responsabilité individuelle et la responsabilité politique, nous pourrons parvenir à formuler une conception de la méta-responsabilité comme forme de penser l'agentivité traversée par la mondialisation.

Universities increasingly play an important role in entrepreneurship, which has contributed to gender equality in the business world. The aim of this study is to establish a causal model of entrepreneurial intentions and explore it by gender, based on the dimensions of the Theory of Planned Behavior, and how these are mediated by the individuals’ resilience and psychological well-being. The previous work experience was considered as one of the control variables, in order to analyze whether this influence the entrepreneurial intention. With a convenience sample of 644 Portuguese students, Structural Equation Modeling was used. For a better understanding, multivariate analyses were performed and each one was individually reported, and for appropriate comparisons by gender, the t-student test was used. The comparison of means, between genders, showed that there are differences only between perceived behavioral control, subjective norm, and entrepreneurial intention, with women scoring the highest values, and psychological well-being, with men scoring the higher. A serial mediation path was performed, and psychological resilience was found to mediate a significant effect between perceived behavioral control and intention in females, but not in males. It also mediates a significant effect between attitude and intention in females, but not in males. These results show that attitude is a determining factor for females to become entrepreneurs. Finally, after discussing the results, theoretical and practical contributions are analyzed, with regard to the field of entrepreneurship in Portugal, and alternatives are pointed out for a more entrepreneurial future, reinforcing the role of higher education institutions.

: In recent years, research on the family role and entrepreneurship has increased extremely, consolidating itself as a valid and current subject of study. However, a part of the scientific literature seems to lack systematization and the boundaries appear unclear, maybe due to its multidisciplinary nature. This paper presents a systematic analysis of academic research, applying bibliometric indicators and cluster analysis, which define the state of research on the international scene. For this purpose, using three well accepted databases among the research community: Scopus, Web of Science, Business Source, a total of 92 articles were selected and analyzed, published between 1989 and 2019 (until March). The results show that this is a relatively recent field of study, with a multidisciplinary character and in which the most influential authors do not coincide with the most productive scientific journals. A cluster analysis finds out five main areas of literature development: the cluster with the largest percentage of co-occurrences (25%) is the one that relates to the dimensions of entrepreneurship, self-employment and personality; in contrast, the area with a lower percentage of co-occurrences of keywords (12,1%) is refers to family business, succession, economic development and Arabia Saudita. Based on the outcome obtained and the shortcomings above, in the final part of the article, possible points of reflection for future research are exposed, which could be useful to further of this field of study.

Resumen Con el presente artículo se pretende analizar la colonialidad del poder como eje central de las relaciones de dominación que marcaron la primera década del siglo XXI en Colombia, más específicamente estudiando los casos del clientelismo político en zonas periféricas como el Casanare, y el caso Carimagua. Para desarrollar esta investigación, se realizó un análisis documental tomando como referente autores de la filosofía política latinoamericana como Anibal Quijano y Santiago Castro- Gómez quienes a su vez se apoyan en Michel Foucault para definir el concepto de relaciones de poder, y la propuesta de Fernán González en torno a la necesidad de un análisis multiescalar del poder y la violencia, con el fin de proponer una alternativa al análisis tradicional de las relaciones de poder en Colombia.

The relationship between social and financial performance (CSP – FP) has been a main objective in the literature on business management, as it would provide an economic justification for the social investment insofar as it contributes to the creation of value. This relationship has been empirically tested by several authors though without using a theoretical model that sustains this relationship. The aim of this article is to propose a theoretical model of the process of the creation of value from the reputation generated by companies, integrating the factors that have been shown to be more relevant in this process from previous research, in such a way that hypotheses are put forward regarding the existence of this relationship and the factors that determine it. Finally, an empirical test is performed using the 100 most prestigious companies operating in Spain during 2004.

Ante las dificultades que presenta el camino que hace ya algún tiempo se decidió emprender en este país, un camino lúgubre en el que proliferan como hongos diversas reivindicaciones del derecho de autodeterminación, esto es, de la soberanía, por parte de distintos pueblos o naciones, se hace evidente la necesidad de reflexionar sobre el mismo concepto del poder soberano. En este texto se aborda tal problema desde tres perspectivas, fáctica, normativa y racional. Al mismo tiempo que se ponen de manifiesto las insuficiencias de las dos primeras, se defiende una comprensión racional del poder soberano, que quizá podría contribuir a la disolución de los malos augurios que se ciernen sobre nuestro futuro.

The objective of this article is double: first, to analyze, using a descriptive analysis, the main differences in the level and components of social behaviour between European and North American firms and, second, to contrast empirically, using a multiple linear regression model, whether the motives behind corporate social behaviour are different depending on the region or country of the firm. With this aim, an indicator of social behaviour (termed effort in sustainability) has been constructed by aggregating the firm's social effort with customers, employees, community and environment for a sample of the 40 European and North American companies most highly reputed in the years 2003 and 2004. The results obtained indicate that the region or country of the firm influences the level, components and motivation of its social behaviour

We study whether the probabilistic postulate could be derived from basic principles. Through the analysis of the Strong Law of Large Numbers and its formulation in quantum mechanics, we show, contrary to the claim of the many-worlds interpretation defenders and the arguments of some other authors, the impossibility of obtaining the probabilistic postulate by means of the frequency analysis of an ensemble of infinite copies of a single system. It is shown, though, how the standard form of the probability as the square of the scalar product follows from Gleason's theorem

The traditional “realist” conception of physics, according to which human concepts, laws and theories can grasp the essence of a reality in our absence , seems incompatible with quantum formalism and it most fruitful interpretation. The proof rests on the violation by quantum mechanical formalism of some fundamental principles of the classical ontology. We discuss if the conception behind Einstein’s idea of a reality in our absence, could be still maintained and at which price. We conclude that quantum mechanical formalism is not formulated on those terms, leaving for a separated paper the discussion about the terms in which it could be formulated and the onto-epistemological implications it might have

This study adopts moral reasoning strategies to investigate why consumers support companies involved in ethical transgressions. Drawing on several cases of real multinationals publicly involved in tax avoidance practices, it aims to demonstrate that moral rationalization and moral decoupling depend not only on how consumers perceive the magnitude of the transgression, but also on their individual differences, such as political ideology and brand identification. A quantitative study with a sample of 3989 consumers of five different focal brands was employed to test a set of hypotheses. Findings reveal that moral decoupling directly explains purchase intentions. However, rationalization only explains behavioral intentions if it leads to a reduction in the perceived immorality of the action. Furthermore, the study reveals significant differences across personal values. Left-leaning individuals tend to rationalize less and decouple more when they perceive that the magnitude of the transgression as egregious. Interestingly, consumers who are highly identified with the brand are less affected by the transgression and tend to be more supportive toward the brand by engaging in rationalization mechanisms.

No deja de llamar la atención que un autor considerado como subversivo y expulsado de su comunidad, sea después de todo el creador de los límites del estado político. Pareciera que debía haber sido el destructor de todo orden, cuando es precisamente el inspirador de un orden y además limitado. Su concepción del estado político no supone, como en Hobbes, el abandono del estado de naturaleza, sino la metamorfosis de este último en el primero, ya que aquello que se modifica, el estado natural, permanece en lo modificado, el estado político. Reconoce que únicamente en la medida en que no es posible asegurar nuestra pervivencia en el estado natural por sí solo, es por lo que se requiere la institucionalización del estado político, aunque éste no puede construirse rompiendo con la razón de su creación que no es sino el aseguramiento de nuestra pervivencia física, el incremento de nuestra riqueza y la generación de las condiciones que hagan posible el cultivo de la razón. Las ideas de un autor como Spinoza fueron relevantes para resolver el problema de la fundamentación del Estado desde los inicios de la modernidad. Su presencia en la reflexión jurídico-política occidental impresiona, está desde el comienzo, con Hobbes, pero contra Hobbes, y además destacando la insuficiencia del núcleo central de la argumentación hobbesiana, en la medida en que la libertad de pensamiento exigirá para Spinoza la libertad de expresión. Desde entonces no dejará de acompañarnos, si bien de manera larvada, pues cada vez que se acercaron a justificar de una u otra manera el orden jurídico-político, la sombra de Spinoza puede entreverse. Spinoza pergeña el orden moderno, lo traza, aunque también es verdad que a partir de ese momento intentaron olvidarlo, en el sentido en que la mayor parte de los grandes autores, Kant y Hegel por ejemplo, si bien no frenaron sus propuestas, aunque a veces uno piensa que sí que lo hicieron, lo que es cierto es que no desarrollaron aquello que Spinoza dejó en ciernes

In a previous essay we demonstrated that quantum mechanical formalism is incompatible with some necessary principles of the mechanism conception still dominant in the physicist’s community. In this paper we show, based on recent empirical evidence in quantum physics, the inevitability of abandoning the old mechanism conception and to construct a new one in which physical reality is seen as a representation which refers to relations established through operations made by us in a world that we are determining. This change is profound and radical, with immediate consequences on both Ontology and Epistemology. This work is our contribution to try to make more concrete how this new conception of the world might be

RESUMEN El presente estudio está dirigido a establecer coincidencias entre el pensamiento de José Martí y de Carlos Marx en el terreno filosófico. Ambos representan los más altos exponentes del saber filosófico y humanista de la cultura europea y latinoamericana del siglo XIX, respectivamente, con un alcance genuinamente universal. No fue objetivo en modo alguno convertir a Martí en marxista, del mismo modo que sería absurdo afiliar a Marx a las ideas y las concepciones martianas. Sin embargo, no es posible dejar de subrayar la profundidad del ideario martiano en el terreno filosófico, político, social y económico y sus aproximaciones a las concepciones marxistas o al socialismo científico. ABSTRACT The present study is directed to establish coincidences between the thought of José Martí and Carlos Marx in the philosophical area. Both are represented by the highest exponents of the philosophical and humanist knowledge of the European and Latin-American culture of the 19th century, respectively, with an authentically universal scope. It was not objective in any way to turn Martí into Marxist, in the same way that it would be absurd to affiliate Marx to the ideas and the Martí´s conceptions. Nevertheless, it is not possible to stop underlining the depth of the Martí´s ideology in the philosophical, political, social and economic area and his approaches to the Marxist conceptions or to the scientific socialism.

Resumen Para Freud la relación entre violencia y ley parece indisociable, en tanto la instauración de esta última depende de una violencia inaugural, la que en lugar de quedar limitada a este momento inicial continúa activa a través de los propios mecanismos psíquicos que encarnan la función de la ley, de manera tal que la ley se encuentra coludida permanentemente con la misma violencia que intenta regular. Pensamos que este dilema es equivalente al delimitado por Benjamin en Para una crítica de la violencia, ensayo en el que este propone, por medio de la figura de la violencia divina o pura, una vía para interrumpir el papel fundante y conservador de la ley que le cabría a la violencia mítica. Se propone que la interpretación de Lacan sobre el acto de Antígona como trasgresión de la Átē, resulta afín a la idea de Benjamin sobre la superación del compromiso entre violencia mítica y ley que adjudica al acontecimiento de la violencia pura, replicando una crítica a la violencia, esta vez dentro de los márgenes teóricos del psicoanálisis. En ambos casos resulta posible situar un más allá del compromiso entre violencia y ley, el cual permite pensar una refundación de los límites simbólicos que dan soporte a la vida en comunidad.For Freud, the relationship between violence and law seems inseparable, in that the establishment of the law depends on an inaugural violence. However, instead of being limited to this initial moment, this inaugural violence continues active through the psychic mechanisms which embody the function of the law, so that the law is constantly in collusion with the same violence that it tries to regulate. We think that this dilemma is equivalent to that defined by Benjamin in his Critique of Violence, an essay in which he proposes, through the figure of divine or pure violence, a way to interrupt the founding and conservative role of law attributed to mythical violence. It is proposed that Lacan’s interpretation of the act of Antigone as a transgression of Átē is akin to Benjamin’s idea of overcoming the compromise between mythic violence and the law that adjudicates the occurrence of pure violence. Lacan thus provides a critique of violence, this time within the theoretical margins of psychoanalysis. In both cases it is possible consider something beyond the compromise between violence and law, allowing one to think of a refoundation of the symbolic limits that support the law and regulate the bonds of community life.