Marina Calloni

This article examines how social media, far from merely connecting people, intensifies societal polarization and transforms relationships into adversarial divides. While platforms are often seen as tools for unity, their algorithmic prioritization of polarizing content fosters hostility and constructs unseen enemies. Drawing on the myth of the Biblical Tower of Babel and Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy paradigm, this analysis examines how digital polarization intensifies hatred and stifles transformative imagination. Systemic outrage-driven content, especially, perpetuates harm against target groups with a disproportionate impact on women. In response, the article advocates relational respect, structural reforms, and regulation to cultivate inclusivity, dialogue, and pluralism. It reimagines the design of social media as a space for solidarity and shared humanity, resisting division through renewed frameworks of connection.

In an age of uncertainty and unpredictability, new vulnerabilities and inequalities have exacerbated existing problems. Phenomena such as the pandemic and recent wars have added to this complexity. Understanding the current multiple crises requires a reassessment of collective and individual responsibilities and a new approach to the concept of sustainability. Epochal changes have overturned traditional worldviews and transformed scientific and cultural paradigms. Philosophy and the social sciences now have the opportunity to refine their epistemological tools and thereby contribute to a renewed public debate and to a re-imagination of the future. Within this framework, my paper aims to contribute to the debate on a multi-level and ‘asymmetric/symmetric concept of co-responsibility’ in relation to the ongoing debate on social/environmental justice, human development and sustainability, thus reframing the discourse on human rights.

What do we mean when affirming ‘the powerful return of the state’? Do we have in mind the jus ad bellum employed by aggressive states, or are we thinking of the duties that a state has towards its citizens? Starting from these questions, this article aims to reconceptualize the issue of the political legitimacy of a state by reconsidering the relationship between power and violence. Among other forms of emergencies and violence, then, a legitimate state needs to be capable of responding to gender-based (sexual and domestic) violence. To reinforce my suggestion, I will reinterpret some Greek and Roman myths related to the founding of cities (Thebes, Athens and Rome). Through these myths, we will be able to illustrate, in particular, the necessity for a state to be capable of combating both public and private violence, reframing the notion of nemesis (as a fate that can be changed by descendants) and fear (as a status that can be stopped in the present).

Are women's movement and feminist theories still connected to radical politics and the interest in changing social inequalities, when feminism has been `institutionalized', for instance in the academia, and has become a mainstreaming issue in social policies? This main question was put to eminent feminist scholars, with the aim of investigating the renewed critical role of international feminism and women's/gender studies in society, science, information, education and research. A reconstruction of the main changes which have occurred to women's movements and feminist theories in the last decades were the core of the interview, stressing differences and disagreement, also in relation to the new sociopolitical claims, supported by younger generations. The conclusion was that feminism has not lost its historical political mission, even though the world scenario and ideologies have dramatically changed. Indeed, feminism has become transcultural and `glocal', facing new socioeconomic inequities induced by globalization both in western societies and countries in development, confronting with the transformation of collective/gender identities and questioning the increasing importance of technologies.