Rory J. Conces

This thesis attempts to show that the problematic nature of intractable ideological disputes may not be due to any lack of brute evidence, but rather may be due to the influence of ideology on the facts and observations that are used to support claims. Although the concept of brute evidence is sometimes assumed by disputants, as is the case in the Chomsky-Flew debate, this assumption is misleading and can even retard efforts to resolve them. A change in the "epistemological venue," however, not only offers insight into the difficult nature of these disputes, but it also suggests an approach that might be used to resolve them. ;Following the Introduction, the study is divided into three parts. Part I is a discussion of several preliminary considerations regarding disputes and arguments. The first chapter delineates the rational dispute and further explicates those that are both intractable and ideological. These remarks provide the foundation for Chapter Two, which presents the foreign policy debate of Chomsky-Flew as an instance of such a dispute. ;Part II involves a discussion of conceptual considerations. Chapter Three examines the concept of brute fact as well as N. R. Hanson's criticism of it. This leads to Chapter Four, which presents Hanson's Thesis of the Theory-Ladenness of Fact. This thesis is modified for an analysis of intractable ideological disputes. The next two chapters are devoted to similar treatments of the concept of observation, with Hanson's Thesis of the Theory-Ladenness of Observation being modified in terms of ideology. These modified theses offer a unique view of intractable ideological disputes, including the Chomsky-Flew debate. ;Part III is then devoted to a discussion of the impact that these different conceptions of evidence have on the resolution of such disputes. It is argued in Chapter Seven that these disputes are susceptible to a mutually beneficial resolution or compromise, but only if the polarized argumentation is reduced and dialogue initiated and sustained. It is proposed that a consideration of evidence as ideology-laden may bring this about. It is further argued that this may have ramifications for world peace.

Herët në mëngjes fillova të lexoja “Të bijën e Agamemnonit” të Ismail Kadaresë dhe pashë se ai kishte përdorur fjalën “kalimtar” që do të ishte edhe shprehja relevante për prezantimin e sotëm. Duke ditur se do të vija në Ballkan, nisa të lexoja edhe një tjetër vepër letrare, atë të Stieg Larssonit, “Vajza me tatu të dragoit”. Sikurse te vepra e Kadaresë, edhe në librin e Larssonit gjeta diçka që do të më hynte shumë në punë, që do të ishte relevante për diskutimin tonë të ditës së sotme. Prandaj ju sot do të jeni shtegtarë të ideve, të mishëruar në një farë udhëtimi topografik. Unë do t’ju shpie nëpër një numër të madh personazhesh (karaktere fiktive dhe historike) dhe nëpër ide, secila prej të cilave na del para sysh, por kur bashkohet me tjera, shfamljarizon përvojat tona. Kur t’i vihet kapaku gjithë kësaj që do të shpjegojë, do t’ju familjarizojë me bindjen se plotfuqia mendore filozofike është më shumë se një bashkudhëtar në përvojat tona jetësore, veçanërisht brenda politikëbërjes.

[1] If asked to name career diplomats who have tackled some very difficult international crises, many foreign policy makers would put Richard Holbrooke near the top of the list. Not many negotiators have wielded moral principle, power, and reason as well as Holbrooke. His book on the Bosnia negotiations leading up to the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement is timely, given the ethnic cleansing that is being carried out in Kosovo, a southern province of Yugoslavia's Serb Republic. Once again we are faced with unrest in the Balkans. We have seen the daily newspaper headlines change from "24 Albanian Men Killed in Kosovo" and "Hopes Fade for New Kosovo Talks" to "NATO Air Campaign Expanded" and "Chinese Embassy Bombed in Belgrade." Although talk of "Bosnian Muslims," "the Bosnian Army" and "Srebrenica' has been replaced with "Kosovars," "the Kosovo Liberation Army," and "Rogovo," two of the main actors in the Bosnia negotiations have returned to put their stamp on the Kosovo negotiations: President Slobodan Milosevic and U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke. Unfortunately, Holbrooke's words that begin the last paragraph of his book seem to have come true: "There will be other Bosnias in our lives." With that in mind, Holbrooke's book will best he appreciated as a harbinger of things to come in Kosovo and elsewhere.

! The Stabilization and Association Agreement between BiH and the European Union is available for readers at the BiH Parliament web page. The content of SAA is available at the front web page of BiH Parliament, under the link entitled "highlighted", BiH Parliament Office for Public Relations stated.! Thanked to donation of Norway in the amount of about 20.000 KM and UNDP aid with 3.000 KM, National Library in Srebrenica reconstructed its premises for students and reading. They bought furniture and equipment for the reading room which now provides with new services - web page and internet, since six new computers were bought. The library now has more than 35.000 books. Reading room is equipped entirely and it will be open daily.!BiH Defense Ministry announced the second public notice for recruitment of soldiers in professorial military service of BiH Army Forces, valid to August, 4, BiH Defense Ministry stated. The announcement read that in total there are 541 vacancies in the military service for admission to professional service of BiH Army forces, where 202 vacancies are envisaged for Bosniaks, 204 for Croats and 135 for Serbs. Having in mind the fact that the candidates' documents were retained on which basis the candidates were called to testing on the public announcement, on March 27, these potential candidates can apply only by application form.

Although hypointellectuals have long been a part of our cultural landscape, it is in post-conflict societies, such as those in Bosnia and Kosovo, that there has arisen a strong need for a different breed of intellectual, one who is more than simply a social critic, an educator, a person of action, and a compassionate individual. Enter the non-partisan intellectual—the hyperintellectual. It is the hyperintellectual, whose non-partisanship is manifested through a reciprocating critique and defense of both the nationalist enterprise and strong interventionism of the International Community, who strives to create a climate of understanding and to enlarge the moral space so as to reduce the divisiveness between opposing parties. It is in this way that the hyperintellectual acts as a catalyst for the creation of a democratic culture within the civil societies of Bosnia and Kosovo.

Political realism remains a powerful theoretical framework for thinking about international relations, including the war on terrorism. For Morgenthau and other realists, foreign policy is a matter of national interest defined in terms of power. Some writers view this tenet as weakening, if not severing, realism's link with morality. I take up the contrary view that morality is embedded in realist thought, as well as the possibility of realism being thinly and thickly moralised depending on the moral psychology of the agents. I argue that a prima facie case can be made within a thinly moralised realism for a relatively weak ally like Bosnia to enter the war on terrorism. An inflationary model of morality, however, explains how the moral horror of genocide in an ally's past may lead to a thickened moralised realism such that allied policy-makers question their country's entry into the war.

[1] From December 1994 to August 1996, Russia was engaged in the Chechen War, a Vietnam-style quagmire that exemplified, on the one hand, the end of Russia as a great military and imperial power, and, on the other hand, "one of the greatest epics of colonial resistance in the past century.'' No analysis can hope to understand the totality of forces that lend to the stability (or instability) of nations with large minority populations unless it first examines the conditions that led to the Russian defeat in Chechnya. At the center of that problem lies an interesting issue. What aspects of the Russian state, Russian society, and the Russian psyche in the 1990s played a part in the Russian defeat, and what aspects of Chechen history, society, and culture played a part in the Chechen victory? Lieven uses the Chechen War as a keyhole into the wider debate concerning the nature and course of Russian nationalism.