H. C. B. Liu

This paper critically evaluates Habermas's social-philosophical exploration of the public sphere in the age of mass communication, which addresses a key question: "Is the public possible in the sociohistorical formation of the mass public sphere?" In his genealogical analysis of different public spheres from feudal to modern times, Habermas indicates that the emergence of inter-subjectivity is historically based upon the dichotomy of private / public (subjective/objective). He emphasizes the opposition of the "subjective side" of rationality to its "objective side" while dealing with the public spheres in different historical periods. Habermas points out that the notion of the public can exist only at the face-to-face level communication. It is impossible for the (impersonal) masses to construct any sense of publicness, since there are no historical and social conditions in which the masses of working class can establish an "autonomous private sphere" outside of material production and consumption, as the bourgeoisie did. In this way, Habermas ambivalently argues that the public is not possible in the mass public sphere.

We investigate the extent to which perceptions of the authenticity of supervisor’s personal integrity and character (ASPIRE) moderate the relationship between people’s love of money (LOM) and propensity to engage in unethical behavior (PUB) among 266 part-time employees who were also business students in a five-wave panel study. We found that a high level of ASPIRE perceptions was related to high love-of-money orientation, high self-esteem, but low unethical behavior intention (PUB). Unethical behavior intention (PUB) was significantly correlated with their high Machiavellianism, low self-esteem, and low intrinsic religiosity. Our counterintuitive results revealed that the main effect of LOM on PUB was not significant, but the main effect of ASPIRE on PUB was significant. Further, the significant interaction effect between LOM and ASPIRE on unethical behavior intention provided profoundly interesting findings: High LOM was related to high unethical behavior intention for people with low ASPIRE, but was related to low unethical intention for those with high ASPIRE. People with high LOM and low ASPIRE had the highest unethical behavior intention; whereas those with high LOM and high ASPIRE had the lowest. We discuss results in light of individual differences, ethical environment, and perceived demand characteristics

In traditional Chinese expressions, guannian M^ (ideas) are results of guan M (viewing). However, viewing can be understood to have two different levels of meanings: one is "viewing things," that is, viewing with something to view; another is "viewing nothing," that is, viewing with nothing to view. What are viewed in "viewing things" are either physical beings — all existing things and phenomena — or the metaphysical being (for example, the "Dao as a thing"). In both cases, something is being viewed. What is viewed in "viewing nothing" is the being itself, or "nothing," in which there is nothing to view. According to Confucianism, the existence of "nothing" manifests itself as life sentiments, especially the sentiment of love, which is the very root and source of benevolence; moreover "viewing nothing" is, in essence, a perception of life. Life sentiments or the perception of life is "the thing itself "prior to any being or any thing. /// 摘要在汉语所表达的中国人的思想中，一切"观念"皆出于"观"。"观"有两层不同 的意义:一是"现物是有所观之观;二是"观元是无所观之观。"现物"之所观 者，或者是形而下的存在者、"万物"，或者是形而上的存在者、"道之为物"，故有所.

In terms of life space, individuals are usually settled in different spaces according to relationships of blood, geography, and profession. In pre-modern societies, ethics were realized through customs, conventions, taboos, magical practices, and politics. Because this was not an open process in which rationality was sufficiently employed, non-reflectiveness and non-criticality were its essence, and intuitions and feelings were its basic modes of existence. In modern societies, the logic of capital movement settles groups of people according to their economic dependence, and interactions based on individuals' desires and self-serving calculations have become widespread and frequent. A space for public interaction and life in which rationality is sufficiently employed and rational bases of the rules are constantly questioned thus finally came into being. Families and villages lost their centrality, resulting in a crisis of private interactions and life, and of its system of norms. /// 在生活空间上，个体经常是依照血缘、地缘和业缘关系而被安置在不同的领 域。在前现代社会，伦理道德借着风俗、习惯、惯例、禁忌、巫术、政治而实现其自 身，因它不是一个公开而充分运用理性的过程，故非反思性和非批判性是它的本质， 信念、直观和情感是其存在的基本方式。在现代社会，资本的运行逻辑把人群依照 经济依赖性进行安置，基于各自意愿和自利打算而发生的交往日益普遍化和经常化， 一个不同于以血缘和地缘关系为纽带的公共交往和公共生活领域正在生成，这是一 个不但充分运用理性且追问规则之合理性基础为何的领域。家庭和村社之核心地位 的丧失，引发了私人交往和私人生活及其规范体系的危机。.

The frmation of the discourse of Neo-Confucianism in the Song period was a result of the interactions between many social and cultural trends. In the development of the Neo-Confucian discourse, the Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) played key roles with their charismatic thoughts and impelling personalities, while Zhu xi pushed Neo-Confucian thought and discourse to a pinnacle wth his broad knowledge and precise reasoning. In the warm discussions and debates between different schools and thoughts, the Neo-Confucian discourse proceeded towards completion and perfection, and evolved as contemporary topics and thinking modes changed. The essay argues tha "ding xing 定性(stilling the nature)" was an important Neo-Confucian topic during the Song period. The doctrine of "stilling the nature" involves much central Neo-Confucian discourse such as the definition of xing 性。(human nature), the interior and exterior aspects of human nature, nature and qing 情 (feelings, sentiments), nature and xin 心(mind, heart), nature and ren 仁 (benevolence, humanity, humaneness) and yi 义(righteousness), nature and shi 事(affair) or wu 物(thig, object), the practice of preservation and cutivation, etc. Therefore, an examination of the formation, development and evolution of Neo-Confucianism is of great importance to the study of its early history. /// 宋代道学话语的形成，是众多社会文化思潮互动的结果。在道学话语创立的 过程中，二程〈程颖、程颐〉的思想魅力和人格感召起了关键的作用，朱嘉以其博 学多识和精密论证把道学思潮和话语推向一个高峰。在不同学派、不同思潮的相互 交锋中，道学话语也在不断走向丰富和完善，井随着时代主题和思考模式的变化而 变化。"定性"作为宋代道学的一个重要话语，关涉到性为何物、性之内外、性与情、 性与心、性与仁义、性与理、性与事(物〉、存养工夫等道学核心话语。因此，探讨 "定性"这一话语的形成、发展与转折，是研究早期道学史的一个重要课题。.

Sven-Ove Hansson and Erik Olsson studied in [7] the logical properties of an operation of contraction first proposed by Isaac Levi in [10]. They provided a completeness result for the simplest version of contraction that they call Levicontraction but left open the problem of characterizing axiomatically the more complex operation of value-based contraction or saturatable contraction. In this paper we propose an axiomatization for this operation and prove a completeness result for it. We argue that the resulting operation is better behaved than various rival operations of contraction defined in recent years.

In order to usurp the Party, seize power and restore capitalism, the Wang-Chang-Chiang-Yao anti-Party clique has turned out counterrevolutionary opinions in the ideological realm. They have tried in every way to distort and revise history and have fabricated the "struggle between the Confucianists and the Legalists" in history. They have confounded different social contradictions and have replaced the class struggle with the "struggle between the Confucianists and the Legalists" and the antagonism within the landlord class with the "line struggle." To them, Legalists were always "progressive" and "innovative" while Confucianists always "represented the forces of restoration." They have tried their best to glorify emperors, kings, generals and ministers in history, to praise Legalists as "saviors," to cover up the Legalists' nature as an exploiting class, to call for metaphysics and the idealist viewpoint of history, and to turn out revisionist fallacies. Because important changes took place in the Confucian and Legalist schools during the periods of the Western and Eastern Han dynasties, the "Gang of Four" and the writers in its service have showed a great interest in histories of the dynasties and have published a series of articles on the so-called "struggle between the Confucianists and the Legalists." In the current struggle against the "Gang of Four," it is of great practical significance to review the changes in the Confucian and Legalist schools and their roles and class nature during the Han dynasties, to criticize and expose the criminal clique's counterrevolutionary political intrigues and plots, and to clarify the historical facts confused by the "Gang of Four."

In this essay I review four recent monographs on Chinese American history: Xiao-huang Yin's Chinese American Literature since the 1850s, Madeline Hsu's Dreaming of Gold, Dream of Home: Transnationalism and Migration Between the United States and South China, Young Chen's Chinese San Francisco 1850-1943: A Trans-Pacific Community, and Xiaojian Zhao's Remaking Chinese America: Immigration, Family, and Community, 1940-1965. Based on both English- and Chinese-language sources, the authors of these four books explore migration processes and the social origins of Chinese immigrants from an international perspective and they reinterpret the cultural values of immigrants as fundamentally open, engaged, and cosmopolitan. Moreover, they characterize the Chinese American community as a dynamic, fluid, and flexible global network and place Chinese America in a larger historical context beyond that of a single nation. They have seriously challenged the American-centered and nation-based research paradigm and promoted a more transnational, transcultural, and multilingual approach to the history of Asian American experience.

Considering the instability of nonlinear dynamics, the deductive inference rule Modus ponens itself is not enough to guarantee the validity of reasoning sequences in the real physical world, and similar results cannot necessarily be obtained from similar causes. Some kind of stability hypothesis should be added in order to draw meaningful conclusions. Hence, the uncertainty of deductive inference appears to be like that of inductive inference, and the asymmetry between deduction and induction becomes unrecognizable such as to undermine the basis for the fundamental cleavage between analytic truth and synthetic truth, as W. V. O. Quine pointed out. Induction is not inferior to deduction from a pragmatic point of view