Michael Bratman

"A fundamental feature of our individual, human agency is its organization over time. Think again about growing food in a garden, or taking a trip, or writing a book. A central idea is that our capacity for planning agency is at the heart of this cross-temporal organization of our individual, human agency. Appeal to this role of our capacity for planning agency both fits our commonsense self-understanding and, I conjecture, would be a part of an empirically informed psychological theory that begins with-- but potentially adjusts--this commonsense self-understanding. The basic thought is that we are resource-limited agents who achieve cross-temporal organization in part by settling in advance on prior, partial plans. These somewhat stable partial plans help pose problems of means and preliminary steps, and in pursuit of needed coordination help filter potential options. They thereby provide a background framework for downstream thought and action"--

ABSTRACT These are replies to critical discussions by Chrisoula Andreou, Sergio Tenenbaum, and J. David Velleman of my Planning, Time, and Self-Governance: Essays in Practical Rationality (2018). I explain important differences between my appeal to a grounding role of the end of diachronic self-governance and Velleman’s view that ‘intelligibility is [the] constitutive aim of action.’ And I discuss both Velleman’s Quine-inspired conception of norms of plan rationality and his comments on methodology in the philosophy of action. In response to Tenenbaum, I explain how appeal to a planning agent’s self-governance over time supports basic planning norms. And I explain why my appeal to the significance of the end of one’s diachronic self-governance need not lead to unacceptable bootstrapping. In response to Andreou, I explain why, on my view of rational willpower, the agent’s general assessment in favor of a general pattern of action (e.g. regularly having only a single beer at dinner), while common and important, need not play a fundamental role in a planning agent’s sticking with their prior resolution in the face of temptation.

ABSTRACT Précis of Michael E. Bratman, Planning, Time, and Self-Governance: Essays in Practical Rationality. The planning theory highlights our capacity to settle on future courses of action in ways that Philosophy Department, shape on-going thought and action. Given our resource limits, our prior plans exhibit a characteristic partiality. Given this partiality, pressures for means-end coherence lead to problems of means. In solving these problems, one is constrained by pressures of consistency and intention stability, pressures that induce a filter of admissibility on solutions. Such plan-infused functioning involves guidance of practical thinking by norms of intention rationality, including norms of consistency, agglomerativity, means-end coherence, and stability over time. These essays focus on questions about the nature of and support for these norms. The essays aim to incorporate but go beyond a two-tier pragmatic rationale for these norms. They seek a view between a skeptical ‘myth theory’ and a cognitivist view that sees these norms as a matter of theoretical rationality. The essays argue that these norms track conditions of a planning agent’s self-governance, both at a time and over time; and the essays explain the reflective significance of this tracking in part by appeal to our entrenched, though contingent, end of our diachronic self-governance.

The planning theory of intention highlights rational demands for consistency and coherence of intentions. But how should we understand these rational demands? According to ‘cognitivism’ these rational demands are grounded, by way of the involvement of belief in intention, in rational demands for consistency and coherence of belief. This chapter explores a range of problems that arise for different versions of such cognitivism. It argues that cognitivism is problematic, and that it is more plausible to see these norms of consistency and coherence of intention as fundamentally practical norms that are part and parcel of a planning system that is so important to our lives.

In "Action and Responsibility,'' Joel Feinberg pointed to an important idea to which he gave the label "the accordion effect.'' Feinberg's discussion of this idea is of interest on its own, but it is also of interest because of its interaction with his critique, in his "Causing Voluntary Actions,'' of a much discussed view of H. L. A. Hart and A. M. Honoré that Feinberg labels the "voluntary intervention principle.'' In this essay I reflect on what the accordion effect is supposed by Feinberg to be, on differences between Feinberg's understanding of this idea and that of Donald Davidson, and on the interaction between Feinberg's discussion of the accordion effect and his critique of the voluntary intervention principle.

Our planning agency contributes to our lives in fundamental ways. Prior partial plans settle practical questions about the future. They thereby pose problems of means, filter solutions to those problems, and guide action. This plan-infused background frames our practical thinking in ways that cohere with our resource limits and help organize our lives, both over time and socially. And these forms of practical thinking involve guidance by norms of plan rationality, including norms of plan consistency, means-end coherence, and stability over time.But why are these norms of rationality? Would these norms be stable under a planning agent's reflection? I try to answer these questions in a way that responds to a skeptical challenge. While I highlight pragmatic reasons for being a planning agent, these need to be supplemented fully to explain the force of these norms in the particular case. I argue that the needed further rationale appeals to the idea that these norms track certain conditions of a planning agent's self-governance, both at a time and over time. With respect to diachronic plan rationality, this approach leads to a modest plan conservatism.

We are purposive agents; but we—adult humans in a broadly modern world—are more than that. We are reflective about our motivation. We form prior plans and policies that organize our activity over time. And we see ourselves as agents who persist over time and who begin, develop, and then complete temporally extended activities and projects. Any reasonably complete theory of human action will need in some way to advert to this trio of features—to our reflectiveness, our planfulness, and our conception of our agency as temporally extended. These are, further, features that have great significance for the kinds of lives we can live. For these two reasons I will say that these are among the core features of human agency. A theory of human action needs to say what these core features consist in and how they are related to each other. And such a theory needs also to clarify the relation between these core features of our agency and the possibility that we are fully embedded in an event causal order.

I consider two inter-related problems in the philosophy of action. One concerns the role of the agent in the determination of action, and I call it the problem of agential authority. The other concerns the relation between motivating desire and the agent's normative deliberation, and I call it the problem of subjective normative authority. In part by way of discussion of work of Harry Frankfurt and Christine Korsgaard, I argue that we make progress with these problems by appeal to certain kinds of higher-order policies and to their role in the cross-temporal organization of the deliberation and action of temporally persisting agents like us.