Sanja Ivic

This book explores Western and non-Western conceptions of human dignity and human rights in order to demonstrate the hermeneutical nature of the concepts of human dignity and human rights, discussing examples of violations in Afghanistan, Myanmar, China and the European Union. While human rights are considered a universal framework for ensuring the dignity, rights, and freedoms of all human beings, their conceptualization and practice vary within different cultural, social, and philosophical traditions. While the Western tradition emphasizes the concept of inherent human dignity combined with an individualistic notion of autonomy and rights, in Islamic thought it is underpinned by morality and combined with duties and divine guidance, and the Confucian approach focuses on the harmony of society and relational ethics. The concepts of human dignity and human rights are contingent and dynamic categories, which means that they are open to different interpretations. Sanja Ivic also highlights the relevance of philosophical hermeneutics for legal and political studies. Drawing on the hermeneutical (interpretative) nature of human rights, this book explores different philosophical solutions to achieving a global consensus on human rights, engaging with thinkers such as Hans-Georg Gadamer, John Rawls, Charles Taylor, Gianni Vattimo, Onuma Yasuaki, and Dimitrije Mitrinovic.

In this paper I’m going to argue that both, Spinoza and Kant, construct the argument “for the impossibility of self-destruction” and examine how the concept of suicide relates to the concept of humanity in both philosophers. I will argue that Kant’s and Spinoza’s argument for the impossibility of self-destruction follows from the “external cause” premise and not from “the same subject” premise. I will try to show that Spinoza and Kant argue that suicide is irrational – it is never done rationally or freely.

This paper presents social and political dimensions of forgiveness within Jacques Derrida’s philosophy. Derrida’s philosophy of forgiveness is an example of how philosophy can help us understand and resolve contemporary social and political issues. Derrida believes that traditional concept of forgiveness should be broadened beyond the bounds of the rational and the imaginable. According to Derrida, traditional concept of forgiveness needs rethinking because of the phenomenon of proliferation of scenes of forgiveness after the Second World War that produced globalization of forgiveness and trivialized and decharacterized this term. According to Derrida, the act of forgiveness can only be thought beyond the limits of common sense and in the space of the impossible, and that is the forgiveness of something that common sense cannot forgive. Derrida’s philosophy of forgiveness has wide social and political implications as it transcends binary oppositions: present/past, self/other, friend/enemy and so forth. All concepts within Derrida’s philosophy of politics (friendship, enemy, hospitality, forgiveness, justice, and so on) are significant for societies eroded with traumas of wars and ethno-national divisions and conflicts. Keywords: Derrida, philosophy, forgiveness, enemy, migration, asylum, hospitality.

Human rights of older adults are still not sufficiently developed. This paper will explore how the rights of older adults are regulated by European law and whether European law sufficiently recognizes older adults as a heterogeneous social group. The population of the European Union is growing older. According to the European Commission’s reports, age discrimination in Europe is widespread. Therefore, the concept of work and retirement system as well as the perception of older adults should be transformed. Discrimination against older adults and various forms of inequality are amplified by the COVID-19 pandemic.

In this article I will present the main ideas of those thinkers who argue that natural sciences are receptive to a hermeneutical method of understanding. I will examine to what degree understanding used as a method in natural sciences differs from understanding used as a method in humanities and point out the universality of hermeneutical experience. At the beginning, I will state the authors who set sharp borders between the methods used in natural sciences and methods used in humanities. They regard hermeneutics exclusively as a method used in social sciences that is not capable of reaching the cognitive objectivity innate to natural sciences. However, by means of several examples from contemporary philosophy of science it can be proved that this classification is not valid.

The purpose of this paper is to revise essentialist conceptions of the European Union citizenship and European identity, and make a case for a ‘politics of affinity’. This politics is founded on flexible notion of Union citizenship that accommodates multiple identities. The ‘politics of affinity’ avoids homogenizing assumptions and unitary conceptions of European, national, regional and other identities. It promotes diversity, otherness and fluid character of the postmodern European citizenship. It also advocates a more fluid idea of boundaries. The politics of affinity grounds European politics and citizenship discourse on affinity (not identity). The following lines will reflect on the institutional mechanisms, reforms and policies needed for the implementation of the politics of affinity. This paper will focus on the Treaty of Lisbon, the 2004/38 Citizenship Directive, the 2003 Directive on Long-term Residence Third Country Nationals and some ECJ’s rulings in the new millennium.

This paper presents social and political dimensions of forgiveness within Jacques Derrida’s philosophy. Derrida’s philosophy of forgiveness is an example of how philosophy can help us understand and resolve contemporary social and political issues. Derrida believes that traditional concept of forgiveness should be broadened beyond the bounds of the rational and the imaginable. According to Derrida, traditional concept of forgiveness needs rethinking because of the phenomenon of proliferation of scenes of forgiveness after the Second World War that produced globalization of forgiveness and trivialized and decharacterized this term. According to Derrida, the act of forgiveness can only be thought beyond the limits of common sense and in the space of the impossible, and that is the forgiveness of something that common sense cannot forgive. Derrida’s philosophy of forgiveness has wide social and political implications as it transcends binary oppositions: present/past, self/other, friend/enemy and so forth. All concepts within Derrida’s philosophy of politics (friendship, enemy, hospitality, forgiveness, justice, and so on) are significant for societies eroded with traumas of wars and ethno-national divisions and conflicts.

The modern liberal idea of citizenship is constructed by a fixed notion of identity which gains meaning through a number of binary oppositions, such as we/ they, citizen/ foreigner, self/ other and so forth. Defined by these binaries, where the first term is perceived as dominant because it is considered to be derived from reason, the fixed notion of identity inevitably produces exclusion and marginalization. Importantly, the postmodern concept of citizenship stems from a critique of these essentialist and universalist conceptions of identity. Exploring European identity and European citizenship from a philosophical perspective, this book reveals the discursive construction of these two concepts whilst at the same time attempting to define them as either modernist or postmodernist categories. Dr. Ivic takes a hermeneutic approach in her interpretation of European citizenship and identity through a close reading of European treaties and other official documents. Through her detailed analysis, Dr. Ivic is able to present the reader with well-informed and concrete examples of modern and postmodern concepts of identity within Europe. Moreover, this book explores the impact that contemporary issues such as Brexit, the migration crisis in Europe, and the proliferation of nationalist discourses, have on European citizenship and identity.

Ova knjiga predstavlja doprinos istraživanjima šire primene post­moderne teorije, koja se na prostorima jugoistočne Evrope još uvek prvenstveno vezuje za književnost, slikarstvo i umetnost uopšte. Primena postmodernističkih ideja na pravne i političke studije još uvek nije dovoljno ispitana, iako je postmoderna misao nastala pre više od šezdeset godina. Postmoderno se ili ignoriše ili pogrešno tumači, a u okviru pravnih i političkih studija, čija je tema priroda Evropske unije (EU) kao političke zajednice, često se tvrdi da je EU postmoderna, nadnacionalna politička zajednica, pri čemu se sam pojam „postmodernog“ dalje ne objašnjava, već se olako upotrebljava kao označitelj za sve što je novo i savremeno. S druge strane, „nadnacionalno” se obično predstavlja kao postmoderan fenomen. Međutim, postmoderno je, u okviru pravne i političke teorije, širi pojam od nadnacionalnog – na primer, nadnacionalno građanstvo ne mora biti i postmoderno…nadnacionalno se još uvek može zasnivati na različitim binarnim opozicijama (kao što su nacionalno/nadnacionalno, javno/privatno, pravo/dobro itd.), dok je polazište ideje postmodernizma upravo prevazilaženje ovih dualizama. Svrha ovog istraživanja je analiza pojma „građanstva Evropske unije” u okviru politike Evropske unije. Evropsko građanstvo se ne odnosi samo na građane kao državljane posebnih država članica koje zajedno formiraju Evropsku uniju, već i na stanovnike šire Evrope. Drugim rečima, „evropsko građanstvo” je širi pojam od „građanstva Evropske unije”, budući da obuhvata širu Evropu, a ne samo Evropsku uniju. Evropa je kontinent, dakle, statičan geografski entitet, za razliku od Evropske unije, koja predstavlja dinamičan politički projekat, te predstavlja proces koji se konstantno preosmišljava.

The second generation model of deliberation can serve as an effective tool for institutionalization and establishing the ethics of care. Ethics of care and second generation deliberative democracy both recognize otherness and diversity and create the “policy of difference” and more inclusive, more substantive notion of citizenship. They imply the idea of autonomy of the will that is based on diversity and uniqueness of human experience. The first generation model of deliberation founded on reason that implies sameness and universal citizenship denies otherness and difference. Consequently, it cannot represent the foundation for the care ethics. The same can be argued for the third generation model of deliberation that emphasizes self-interest, because it is contrary to the fundamental principles of deliberative democracy itself.

The European Union is currently experiencing a clash of national and postnational norms and values. This shows a turn away from postnational values (which the European Union has advocated as a supranational political community) toward nationalist paradigms. For example, despite the EU's statement that helping refugees is an obligation that is consistent with European values, the migration crisis has caused moral panic in some EU Member States, and hosting refugees has been described by domestic politicians as a threat to national identity and stability. This is a return to nationalist paradigms from postnational values, which is also reflected in the European debt crisis and Brexit which displayed multiple divisions and binary oppositions such as: European/non-European, multicultural/national, postnational, fluid identities/national, fixed identity, and so on.

This paper explores how the COVID-19 pandemic affects social relations and social interactions. It will rely on critical discourse analysis in order to identify the patterns of power relations related to various political and media narratives about the COVID-19 pandemic. It will be shown that the pandemic crisis has contributed to the rise of xenophobia and discrimination, which is the result of fear of the Other being perceived as a carrier of the disease. Discourses and narratives about the COVID-19 outbreak portray COVID-19 as a foreign virus, emphasizing binary oppositions: we/they, self/other, civilized/barbaric, citizen/foreigner, West/East and so forth.

The idea of a postmodern citizenship involves complex political framework, which includes a wide range of social relations and subject positions, and it poses a challenge to participatory democracy and current understanding of political activism, as well as the understanding of the public sphere. Postmodern citizenship involves a nexus of responsibilities and duties of citizens, responding to various challenges, regardless of whether they have the support of state institutions. Exploring the notion of postmodern citizenship is necessary in order to deconstruct traditional concepts of "citizenship", "democracy", "border" and so on. The greatest significance of postmodern theory in the broader observation of equality which is no longer perceived as synonymous with identity, as well as in the new understanding of the difference, which is no longer determined as a deviation and an attack on the established order of values.

This paper aims at showing how the concepts of national sovereignty and national identity are challenged by the digital revolution. In the age of modernism, both concepts were defined as a condition for society's loyalty to the political framework, but this long-established format changed with the new technologic developments. The digital revolution requires a postmodern-heterogeneous and fluid-idea of identity, as well as a postmodern idea of sovereignty, which is non-territorial, neither hierarchical. Therefore, the postmodern idea of sovereignty and the concept of identity are significant for the development of the concepts of digital sovereignty and European digital identity.

This chapter explores the Christian roots of the contemporary ethic of care that is especially significant for dealing with the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. Love, empathy, compassion, solidarity, and mercy are the central values of Christian ethics, and they are also the bases of the ethic of care. Traditional ethical approaches do not offer a viable ethical response to the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak and its consequences, thus the ethic of care represents an alternative option within the global ethics debate. Ethical solidarity is necessary, especially during times of crisis, but it can only be realized completely if it transforms into the Christian approach to the vulnerable.

he main goal of this chapter is to show the relevance of postmodern theory for the creation of a theoretical framework for digital European citizenship and the digital European public sphere. The European Commission initiated Europe’s digital transformation and moved Europe towards creating an “imagined digital political community.” The digital transformation requires a rethinking of current conceptions of European citizenship and the European public sphere and the construction of a new theoretical framework for the development of digital European citizenship and the digital European public sphere. European citizenship and identity are dynamic and polyphonic categories. The same can be argued about digital citizenship, which is also a postnational and multilayered form of citizenship. However, both European citizenship and digital citizenship contain different binary oppositions, such as: self/other, urban/rural, European/non-European, and so forth. Postmodernism offers a framework for the development of the digital European public sphere and the concept of digital European citizenship that will overcome binary oppositions and the digital divide. Postmodernism rethinks the basic concepts in the history of philosophy and questions the entire ontological and epistemological regime, which exists as the subtext of the legal system. Postmodernism does not only encompass critical, discursive practices directed towards rethinking existing binary hierarchies and authorities, but also a critical relationship between the very representatives of postmodernism who are differently positioned in these disputes, as postmodernism eludes any coherence and homogeneity.

The main goal of this chapter is to show the relevance of postmodern theory for the creation of a theoretical framework for digital European citizenship and the digital European public sphere. The European Commission initiated Europe’s digital transformation and moved Europe towards creating an “imagined digital political community.” The digital transformation requires a rethinking of current conceptions of European citizenship and the European public sphere and the construction of a new theoretical framework for the development of digital European citizenship and the digital European public sphere. European citizenship and identity are dynamic and polyphonic categories. The same can be argued about digital citizenship, which is also a postnational and multilayered form of citizenship. However, both European citizenship and digital citizenship contain different binary oppositions, such as: self/other, urban/rural, European/non-European, and so forth. Postmodernism offers a framework for the development of the digital European public sphere and the concept of digital European citizenship that will overcome binary oppositions and the digital divide. Postmodernism rethinks the basic concepts in the history of philosophy and questions the entire ontological and epistemological regime, which exists as the subtext of the legal system. Postmodernism does not only encompass critical, discursive practices directed towards rethinking existing binary hierarchies and authorities, but also a critical relationship between the very representatives of postmodernism who are differently positioned in these disputes, as postmodernism eludes any coherence and homogeneity.

This paper emphasizes the crucial role that language use plays in climate change communication. In particular, this paper examines UN public discourse and narratives about climate change. It will be shown that the climate change is often described as a "threat to human wellbeing" and as an external enemy—the Other. On the other hand, humanity is often portrayed as a victim of climate change. The consequence of this rhetoric and logic of apocalypse is insufficient action in relation to climate change. The narrative construction of the Other that is described as a threat is founded on binary oppositions: we/they, self/other, culture/nature, human/non-human and so forth. As long as climate change is described as an external enemy and "independent matter" and climate policy is based on binary oppositions, action to combat climate change will remain insufficient.

This chapter analyzes international organizations' discourse about the COVID-19 pandemic. WHO "called every day for countries to take urgent and aggressive action."' UNESCO called for protecting human rights during the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this study is to investigate whether the WHO's masculinist approach to COVID-19 (which emphasizes taking aggressive action) as well as other approaches that focus on the struggle for protecting human rights during the COVID-19 pandemic, neglect the approaches that emphasize the role of care and solidarity during the pandemic. Countries which emphasized the role of care in fighting against the pandemic (for instance, Vietnam) gave a successful social and political response to the COVID-19 outbreak. Therefore, this approach should be emphasized by the international organizations.

The COVID-19 pandemic had an important impact on internal political relations in the European Union, as well as on the position of the European Union as a global actor. At the domestic political level, the European Union has faced the erosion of the principle of solidarity as one of its fundamental principles, given that in finding solutions for the protection of the health and economies of EU member states, national rather than common European interests have dominated. The main thesis on which this paper is based is that it is necessary for the European Union to develop a new narrative based on the concept of transnational solidarity, which will contribute to greater efficiency and responsibility of the EU. Unlike the idea of solidarity at the level of nation states, the development of the idea of European solidarity should include the multilayered, supranational nature of the European Union, and solidarity should develop both among the EU member states and citizens of the European Union (through further development and promotion of active citizenship).

Hermeneutics is a significant dimension of C.G. Jung’s analytical psychology, although Jung did not develop a consistent hermeneutic method, and this aspect of his work has not yet been sufficiently explored. This paper examines the relevance of Paul Ricoeur’s hermeneutics and narrative theory for the interpretation of Carl Jung’s Red Book, which can be perceived as a narrative experiment. Ricoeur focuses on the narrative character of human experience. Paul Ricoeur’s ideas of narrative and plot are significant for exploring Jung’s inner experience described in his Red Book as well as the narrative structure of The Red Book.

Paul Ricœur’s ontology of art is derived from his hermeneutics, and Ricœur’s hermeneutics bridges his idea of aesthetics and ontology. Paul Ricœur’s ontology of art (in which the concept of refiguration plays a central role) sheds a new light in understanding and experiencing works of art. Ricœur discusses the metaphorical reference of poetic texts that opens up the realm of possible worlds. This idea of metaphoric reference can be extended to works of art as well. Both fictional narratives and artworks may be defined by the formula seeing as, and this formula represents their ontological status that may be defined as being as. Paul Ricœur argues that non-linguistic symbolic systems such as gestures, sounds and pictures also have the power to make and remake the world. Ricœur’s narrative theory can be applied to both to literature and visual arts as it identifies narrative capacity of artworks. Ricœur introduces the concept of refiguration that includes the transformation of reality, which is first prefigured in the consciousness of the author (mimesis 1). It is then configured in the artwork (mimesis 2), and finally into the experience of the viewer or listener of the artwork (mimesis 3), which leads to comprehension.