Peter Trawny

Since the beginning of its history philosophy deals with the question for the meaning of war. This question, however, was always understood as the question for the causes of war: Why is there war? Where does it come from? The article presupposes that only this question and the attempts to respond to it can shed light onto the interpretation of the historical reality of war, which is finally the only reason to reflect on its causation. The article refers to a set of notions and texts, which belong to a discourse on war unfolding through the centuries of European thinking. These notions are: contradictions, body, justice, nature, right, politics, and morals. Even if this sequence is only one possible sequence of the philosophical reflection on warfare, I consider it to be one of greater importance. We see, how a plurality of causes creates a context, in which we could try to analyze actual events: For it is evident that no war has only one reason. And the article has finally one other intention, namely to show that probably every possible sequence of causes of war will have the same consequence. This con-sequence will be the final destruction of the world, the coming of the ash.

In 2014, the first three volumes of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks—the personal and philosophical notebooks that he kept during the war years—were published in Germany. These notebooks provide the first textual evidence of anti-Semitism in Heidegger’s philosophy, not simply in passing remarks, but as incorporated into his philosophical and political thinking itself. In Heidegger and the Myth of a Jewish World Conspiracy, Peter Trawny, the editor of those notebooks, offers the first evaluation of Heidegger’s philosophical project in light of the Black Notebooks. While Heidegger’s affiliation with National Socialism is well known, the anti-Semitic dimension of that engagement could not be fully told until now. Trawny traces Heidegger’s development of a grand “narrative” of the history of being, the “being-historical thinking” at the center of Heidegger’s work after Being and Time. Two of the protagonists of this narrative are well known to Heidegger’s readers: the Greeks and the Germans. The world-historical antagonist of this narrative, however, has remained hitherto undisclosed: the Jews, or, more specifically, “world Judaism.” As Trawny shows, world Judaism emerges as a racialized, destructive, and technological threat to the German homeland, indeed, to any homeland whatsoever. Trawny pinpoints recurrent, anti-Semitic themes in the Notebooks, including Heidegger’s adoption of crude cultural stereotypes, his assigning of racial reasons to philosophical decisions, his endorsement of a Jewish “world conspiracy,” and his first published remarks on the extermination camps and gas chambers. Trawny concludes with a thoughtful meditation on how Heidegger’s achievements might still be valued despite these horrifying facets. Unflinching and systematic, this is one of the most important assessments of one of the most important philosophers in our history.

English summary: In this 2017 lecture, Peter Trawny gives an introduction to Karl Marx' early philosophy. It presents the development of Marx' thinking, from his reading of Hegel and Feuerbach (1839-1841) and the "Paris Manuscripts" (1844) to the famous "Manifesto of the Communist Party" (1847). The author thoroughly investigates into important concepts of this period, such as those of money, labour, or alienation, and contextualizes them historically. And he attempts at answering the tacitly implied question that runs throughout this lecture, whether Marx' philosophy, unfolding in the concept of revolutionary practice, does still have something significant to say to current readers. German description: In einer im Sommersemester 2017 gehaltenen Vorlesung stellt Peter Trawny das fruhe Denken von Karl Marx auf einfuhrende Weise dar. Sie zeichnet den Weg nach, den Marxens Denken von seiner Beschaftigung mit Hegel und Feuerbach (1839-1841) uber die "Pariser Manuskripte" (1844) bis hin zum "Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei" (1847) zuruckgelegt hat. Wichtige Begriffe dieser Zeit wie der des Geldes, der Arbeit oder der Entfremdung werden eingehend erlautert. Ihre Ausarbeitung bei Marx wird historisch kontextualisiert. Eine die Vorlesung unausgesprochen begleitende Frage ist die, was Marxens sich in der revolutionaren Praxis entfaltendes Denken den heute Lebenden noch zu sagen hat.

Desde su publicación a principios de 2014 los Cuadernos negros de Martin Heidegger incitaron a un debate tanto en la academia como en la esfera intelectual pública. Supuestamente estos cuadernos ponen en evidencia cómo Heidegger comulgaba con el antisemitismo y el nacionalsocialismo. A partir del análisis elaborado por David Nirenberg en su libro Antijudaísmo: la tradición occidental, se discute si el referente del antijudaísmo representa un fenómeno real o si el antijudaísmo es una visión del mundo en donde el significado de “los judíos” representa una función en la autocomprensión de aquellos que hablan de “judío” o “ser judío”, sin que este significado posea un referente real. Aquello que aquí se denomina ‘referencia real o fáctica’ representa un problema constante para la filosofía. Si ésta tuviera siempre que remitirse a algo real, sería entonces una ciencia particular como la biología. El “objeto” de la filosofía parece ser, no obstante, un problema filosófico. Por ello, en este caso se trata llanamente de la cuestión de si el discurso filosófico de Heidegger en los Cuadernos negros se corresponde o no con algo del mundo. Se trata, en pocas palabras, de definir el tipo de antisemitismo que se expresa en los Cuadernos negros.

Hannah Arendt v svoji interpretaciji Kantove teorije »razsodne moči«, le-to vzame iz njenega prvotnega sobesedila, razmisleka o dobrem in lepem, ter ji podeli politični pomen. Po eni strani Kantov pojem »reflektirajoče razsodne moči« Arendtovi omogoči prikaz določene nujnosti v politični presoji, za katero je značilno, da se vedno odvija v singularnih okoliščinah in se ne more sklicevati na nobeno vnaprejšnje, univerzalno ali splošno merilo. Po drugi strani Arendtova interpretira »nezainteresirano ugajanje«, ki je pri Kantu predpostavka za estetsko sodbo, kot nujni pogoj teoretičnega motrenja zgodovine. Pomembni interpreti, kot sta Beiner in Vollrath, so na osnovi tega trdili, da gre za protislovje. V svojem besedilu želim pokazati, da se to protislovje razreši v »hermenevtični etiki«, ki jo je možno pokazati v delih Hannah Arendt, celo v najbolj zgodnjih.Hannah Arendt’s interpretation of Kant’s conception of the »power of judgment« extracts this faculty from its intended context, considerations of the beautiful and of nature, and grants it a political significance. On the one hand, Kant’s conception of a »reflective power of judgment« offers Arendt the possibility of referring to a certain necessity in political judgments; judgments which always take place under singular conditions and which cannot presume a universal or general measure. On the other hand, Arendt interprets »disinterested pleasure«, which is for Kant a presupposition of aesthetic judgment, as a necessary condition for theoretical considerations of history. Between these two aspects of Arendt’s Kant interpretation, important scholars, such as Beiner and Vollrath, have claimed to find a contradiction. In my article I would like to show that this contradiction is dissolved by way of a »hermeneutical ethics«, which can be identified throughout the work of Hannah Arendt, even in its earliest forms.

Die 4. Auflage bringt zunächst die Kommentierung der Präambel und der Art. 1 bis 19 auf den aktuellen Stand von Judikatur und Literatur. Die grundlegende Struktur des Kommentares wurde beibehalten und um neuere Entwicklungen wie die Implikationen der Europäisierung und Digitalisierung sowie der Corona-Pandemie ergänzt.Die Herausgeberschaft des Kommentares hat ab der 4. Auflage Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf übernommen. Auch im Autorenkreis sind personelle Veränderungen zu verzeichnen: Mit Ausnahme von Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf, Alexander Thiele und Ferdinand Wollenschläger, die bereits an der 3. Auflage mitgewirkt haben, liegen die Kommentierungen in den Händen neuer Autorinnen und Autoren.Der Kommentar erscheint in drei Bänden und wird nur geschlossen abgegeben.Der Grundgesetz-Kommentar ist Bestandteil des Moduls Verfassungsrecht PREMIUM, das bei beck-online.de erhältlich ist.

Hannah Arendts Kant-Lektüre findet ihren Abschluß in einer Interpretation der „Urteilskraft“. Im „Urteilen“ entdeckt sie einerseits das zentrale Vermögen des politischen Handelns, andererseits die eigentliche Tätigkeit eines notwendig sich von allem Handeln zurückziehenden die Geschichte betrachtenden Denkens. Daraus entsteht der Anschein, die Denkerin habe ihre Politische Philosophie zuletzt durch einen Widerspruch ruiniert. Auf der Basis des von Seyla Benhabib in die Diskussion gebrachten Begriffs des „narrativen Handelns“ läßt sich jedoch zeigen, daß dieser Widerspruch nur ein Scheinproblem darstellt. Arendts Philosophieren findet in der Auslegung der „Urteilskraft“ die Möglichkeit, ihrer Hermeneutik der „totalen Herrschaft“ ein ethisches Fundament zu verschaffen. Das durch einen tiefgreifenden „Traditionsbruch“ gestörte „Verstehen“ der politischen Sphäre findet in der „moralischen Urteilskraft“ einen Anhaltspunkt, sich den Gefahren einer durch den Totalitarismus bedrohten Moderne zu stellen. So wird es möglich, die wichtigste Intention von Arendts Denken als eine „politische Ethik“ zu charakterisieren.

e medium and the revolution exclude each other, insofar as two kinds of violence, restlessly ghting for domination, collide. e ght is a ght for the ght itself. e violence of the medium can namely suppress the ght the revolution needs. e violence of this suppression of violence, the violence of nonviolence produces the psycho-somatic state of depression. In this depression the body is drawn together, onto itself. It does not experience anything anymore. e violence of »the ancient« directs itself therefore only towards itself alone. us the immediate and its origin are veiled. e medium excludes them. e origin cannot return, it remains in absence. e violence of the revolution cannot awaken anymore. e absence of the revolution is the absent origin itself

Penser, ce n’est pas s’immuniser contre les risques. C’est une « mise à découvert », « une relation périlleuse d’approche de la vérité comme événement de vie », un va-et-vient entre « ouverture » et « retrait », entre pics, jaillissements et gouffres, fourvoiements et catastrophes – dans le cas de Heidegger, l’antisémitisme. Bref, une « errance », une chorégraphie entre des lieux extrêmes, une dramaturgie.On comprendra comment ce texte d’une liberté « abyssale », qui renvoie à leur médiocrité nos faux philosophes devenus des « machines à calculer au plus juste le bien-être de l’humanité », prend place chez Indigène.« L’histoire de l’être est histoire de l’errance. Elle donne asile au monstre comme au monstrueux. Elle en fait partie », écrit Peter Trawny. On comprendra, oui, qu’après Stéphane Hessel, Federico Garcia Lorca, Ken Loach… nous accueillions ce « dangereux » philosophe qu’est Peter Trawny. [quatrième de couverture]Ce texte inédit, rédigé à la demande d’Indigène éditions, va au-delà de « l’affaire Heidegger » qui fait suite à la publication des « Cahiers noirs ». Il parait simultanément en France et à Berlin, et sort la pensée de l’enclave fonctionnelle où notre monde l’enferme, « un monde qui a renoncé au mythe ! », nous dit Peter Trawny. Peter Trawny est directeur de l'Institut Martin Heidegger et professeur à l'université de Wuppertal, responsable de l'édition des "Cahiers noirs" de Heidegger. Il est également l'auteur de monographies sur Hannah Arendt, Socrate et Ernst Jünger

La publication des " Cahiers noirs " de Heidegger en Allemagne a mis au jour plusieurs passages, écrits dans les années 1938-1941, au contenu antisémite incontestable. Peter Trawny, spécialiste de Heidegger et éditeur de ces " Cahiers ", affronte ici le choc de ces pages mettant en question la thèse prédominante jusqu'à aujourd'hui qui voudrait que l'engagement de Heidegger dans le national-socialisme n'ait pas impliqué de sa part une adhésion à l'antisémitisme. Selon Peter Trawny, si Heidegger s'écarte de l'antisémitisme "vulgaire" des nazis, il en donne bien une reformulation en termes d'" histoire de l'être ". Autrement dit, il intègre l'antisémitisme à son interprétation philosophique de l'Histoire mondiale. Comment penser ce désastre du jugement de la part d'un des plus grands philosophes du XXe siècle, qui a exercé une profonde influence sur Hannah Arendt, Leo Strauss, Jean-Paul Sartre, Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault et tant d'autres? Avec tout le sérieux scientifique, le sens historique et philosophique qui s'imposent à l'interprète, l'auteur cherche à répondre aux questions que soulève cette découverte.

Martin Heidegger is widely regarded as one of the most influential philosophers of the twentieth-century, and his seminal text Being and Time is considered one of the most significant texts in contemporary philosophy. Yet his name has also been mired in controversy because of his affiliations with the Nazi regime, his failure to criticize its genocidal politics and his subsequent silence about the holocaust. Now, according to Heidegger's wishes, and to complete the publication of his multi-volume Complete Works, his highly controversial and secret 'Black Notebooks' have been released to the public. These notebooks reveal the extent to which Heidegger's 'personal Nazism' was neither incidental nor opportunistic, but part of his philosophical ethos. So, why would Heidegger, far from destroying them, allow these notebooks, which contain examples of this extreme thinking, to be published? In this revealing new book, Peter Trawny, editor of Heidegger's complete works in German, confronts these questions and, by way of a compelling study of his theoretical work, shows that Heidegger was committed to a conception of freedom that is only beholden to the judgement of the history of being; that is, that to be free means to be free from the prejudices, norms, or mores of one's time. Whoever thinks the truth of being freely exposes themselves to the danger of epochal errancy. For this reason, Heidegger's decision to publish his notebooks, including their anti-Jewish passages, was an exercise of this anarchical freedom. In the course of a wide-ranging discussion of Heidegger's views on truth, ethics, the truth of being, tragedy and his relationship to other figures such as Nietzsche and Schmitt, Trawny provides a compelling argument for why Heidegger wanted the explosive material in his Black Notebooks to be published, whilst also offering an original and provocative interpretation of Heidegger's work

The European ethos can be characterized in two different modes. On the one hand the European ethos has its origin in the radical formula of Socrates that acting unjustly is in every respect bad and that even suffering injustice is better than that. In this perspective the good life in a Socratic signification is the self-withdrawal of mere social acting in the sense of being socially successful. But because this origin of the European ethos is a “dynamite for civil society” we have to refer to Aristotle and his concept of ethics. There, on the other hand, we have to notice the habits and customs as a balance of the radical Socratic beginning. Considering these two origins of ethics we can recognize that moral austerity and ethical moderation are both two traditions of the European ethos and politics without being an alternative. For only the unity of these origins can demonstrate the universal sense of the European humanism