Andi Alfian

The use of mantras can be found in almost every tradition and ritual of indigenous peoples in Indonesia. Mantras are interpreted and practiced in various ways to help communicate and connect multiple aspects of the cosmic order. Mantras are also used in healing and traditional medicine to cure various diseases; they are used in everyday life to prevent and protect humans from harm. Unfortunately, due to modern academic frameworks that aim to explain religious practices rationally, mantras, along with various religious practices and indigenous knowledge, have been eliminated. In the modern Western paradigm, especially the World Religion Paradigm, which separates science and religion, culture and nature, the mantras used in healing practices by indigenous peoples are considered magical and non-scientific (incompatible with science). At worst, they are even considered deviant by adherents of world religions that are more conservative. Such a paradigm is a colonial construction of modern knowledge. By reviewing the use of mantras among indigenous peoples - specifically Javanese, Sumbanese, and Buginese, this study interprets the mantras used for healing by indigenous peoples and decolonizes the modern western paradigm of religious practices of indigenous people. The data in this study were taken from the Forum Kamisan Daring, Episode 9 on the use of mantras in rituals in Javanese and Sumbanese, and through in-depth interviews and relevant articles. The data was then compiled and analyzed using the indigenous religion paradigm. Finally, the results of this study show that, for indigenous peoples, disease is a cosmic imbalance, and healing is an attempt to rebalance the cosmos. The mantra in this context is a technology or a language used to build a balanced intersubjective relationship from one that has been disturbed.

This study explores the core teachings of Buddhism and Confucianism, especially about homosexuality, and compares the two. This study argues that the attitude of Buddhism and Confucianism towards homosexuality is highly dependent on the cultural context in which these religions exist and are practiced. In other words, certain Buddhist/Confucian societies are sometimes more tolerant of homosexual practices than other Buddhist/Confucian societies. That is, the core teachings of religions cannot be merely a measure; culture participates in shaping religious responses to homosexuals. However, it also does not mean that these two religions do not have a unique view on homosexuality. Using the literature study method, this study will focus on exploring the attitudes of these two religions, Buddhism and Confucianism, towards the practice of homosexuality, especially to queering the core teachings of both. The results of this study indicate that in both Buddhism and Confucianism, acceptance and rejection of homosexual practices exist, and almost all use their respective core teachings as arguments. In short, this study contributes to providing an overview of how homosexuality is accepted and rejected in Buddhism and Confucianism.

Religious discourse is one of the instruments that are often used by the dominant class (the majority, who are in power) to carry out a symbolic violence mechanism against the dominated class (the minority, who are ruled). For example, through religious discourses that seem plural and open, the power and domination of the dominant class are continuously perpetuated. This study aims to analyze the symbolic violence that occurs in religious discourse in Indonesia, especially in the study of religion, by reviewing the discourse of “agama vs. kepercayaan” and “moderasi beragama”. The symbolic violence referred to here is, according to Pierre Bourdieu's theory, violence that does not appear asviolence and is latent. Victims of this type of violence do not feel that they are victims ofviolence as if what happened was natural and it should have been. This study also argues that symbolic violence in religious discourse in Indonesia is widely produced in educational institutions, especially through the hands of academics, because through educational institutions, discourses of “agama vs. kepercayaan” and “moderasi beragama” are formulated and then implemented in government policies, as if the discourse has accommodated all religions and beliefs, but only perpetuates the way of thinking and tastes of the dominant class. In short, this study argues that religious discourses such as “agama vs. kepercayaan” and “moderasi beragama” are produced by the dominant class through educational institutions and so on and produce symbolic violence.

One of the issues that caught my attention in the discussion on Religion and Human Rights, which is also an issue that has recently started to be hotly discussed in Indonesia, is the issue of LGBTQ+ minority rights (gay rights). This issue becomes interesting, the issue of gay rights, especially when this issue deals with the Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB). As we saw in the discussion of human rights at International, tensions between gay rights and FoRB in several countries have their own characteristics. For example, in Indonesia, recently, the movement for defenders of the FoRB has begun to bloom, and, I observe, there is a tendency to include minority groups such as indigenous people, including LGBTQ+ people (gay rights), into their circle of struggle. The question is, how do religious freedom rights (FoRB) deal with gay rights? Or conversely, how do gay rights deal with religious freedom? In that context, this book becomes relevant to discuss. This book provides each author’s many different moral arguments and philosophical commitments.

Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa novel Keluarga Pascual Duarte karya Camilo Jose Cela mendemonstrasikan cara hidup eksistensialisme-nihilistik khas Friedrich Nietzsche. Hal ini dapat ditemukan dalam tiga tema utama, yakni “nasib buruk sebagai afirmasi hidup”, “kekerasan dan kematian”, dan “penderitaan dalam kelahiran, harapan dan cinta”. Ketiga tema utama itu tergambar lewat tokoh-tokoh dan kisahnya yang radikal, tremendis—sarat akan kekejaman hidup, absurd dan nihilis. Dalam konteks itulah, Keluarga Pascual Duarte tidak dapat dipisahkan dari wacana eksistensialisme-nihilistik dalam tradisi filsafat, yakni sebuah gaya pikir yang fokus perhatiannya tertuju pada penolakan manusia terhadap finalitas, pegangan hidup yang mutlak, serta pada kepercayaan bahwa hidup manusia tidak memiliki tujuan dan nilai.

The Bugis-Makassar indigenous people who live around Mount Bawakaraeng perform a ritual pilgrimage (hajj) to the top of Mount Bawakaraeng (as a sacred space). This ritual is often considered heretical and deviant. These negative assumptions are the result of the monopoly definition of “sacred place” by the world religion paradigm which is only limited to the doctrine of the holy book and is hierarchical-exclusive. Meanwhile, in the indigenous religion paradigm, “sacred place” is closely related tothe surrounding environment (nature) which also gives life to indigenous peoples. The Bugis-Makassar indigenous people who live around Mount Bawakaraeng construct the sacredness of the mountain, not only as a place for religious rituals but also as a guarantor of their life. There were lacking previous researches discussing “sacred place” through the indigenous religion paradigm approach. This research contributes to that lack. This study examines how the indigenous religion paradigm interprets “sacred place”. The research method used in this research is qualitative. This study argues that there is no better way to understand why indigenous people perform rituals on Mount Bawakaraeng than using the indigenous religion paradigm. This study also shows that the “sacred place” associated with Mount Bawakaraeng is a way for the indigenous people who live around the mountain to preserve the nature around them which has enabled them to live and make a living such as accessing water, gathering medicines from nature, and so on. Eventually, with research that provides a better explanation of what a “sacred place” is in the indigenous religion paradigm, negative assumptions about indigenous people who regard a mountain as sacredplace can be better understood.

This study aims to evaluate whether the idea of ultimate reality in world religions contributes to the characteristics of the world religion paradigm, which is hierarchical cosmology or “subject-object cosmology.” Several research on this topic claims that one of the characteristics of the world religion paradigm is its hierarchical perspective. Discussing this issue is important to distinguish the world religions as the paradigm and the world religions as the most widely embraced religion. This study argues that the hierarchical perspective of the world religion paradigm can be rooted in the idea of ultimate reality, that there is a supreme, foremost, and most principal reality in the continuity of this universe, namely the supernatural or God. The hierarchical cosmology consists of three main domains: supernatural/God, culture/human, and nature. This study uses a literature study methodology, relying on books, journals, and texts related to research questions. This study finds that the world religion paradigm or hierarchical cosmology or “subject-object cosmology” is prominent, especially in Abrahamic religions such as Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, even though the concept of ultimate reality in these three religions is different.