•  384
    Transcending national citizenship or taming it? Ayelet Shachar’s Birthright Lottery
    Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (2): 9-17. 2012.
    Recent political theory has attempted to unbundle demos and ethnos, and thus citizenship from national identity. There are two possible ways to meet this challenge: by taming the relationship between citizenship and the nation, for example, by defending a form of liberal multicultural nationalism, or by transcending it with a postnational, cosmopolitan conception of citizenship. Both strategies run up against the boundedness of democratic authority. In this paper, I argue that Shachar adresses t…Read more
  •  159
    Liberal conduct
    History of the Human Sciences 6 (3): 25-59. 1993.
    A philosophical genealogy of the development of liberal 'arts of government' through the work of John Locke and Michel Foucault.
  •  157
    The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism brings together a collection of new essays by leading and emerging scholars in the humanities and social sciences on some of the key issues facing multiculturalism today. It provides a comprehensive and cutting-edge treatment of this important and hotly contested field, offering scholars and students a clear account of the leading theories and critiques of multiculturalism that have developed over the past twenty-five years, as well as a sense o…Read more
  •  151
    Historical Injustice
    In John S. Dryzek, Bonnie Honig & Anne Phillips (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Theory, Oxford University Press. 2009.
    This article examines the concept of historical injustice in the context of contemporary political theory. It examines the moral consequences of historical injustice for the descendants of both the perpetrators and the victims and outlines the six questions that any plausible defence of the idea of making reparations for past injustices must deal with. It suggests that taking historical injustice seriously is compatible with moral cosmopolitanism and it also helps with the understanding the natu…Read more
  •  129
    Why Globalize the Curriculum?
    In Melissa S. Williams (ed.), Deparochializing Political Theory. pp. 273-290. 2020.
    In a world no longer centered on the West, what should political theory become? Although Western intellectual traditions continue to dominate academic journals and course syllabi in political theory, up-and-coming contributions of “comparative political theory” are rapidly transforming the field. Deparochializing Political Theory creates a space for conversation among leading scholars who differ widely in their approaches to political theory. These scholars converge on the belief that we bear a …Read more
  •  123
    Pluralising Political Legitimacy
    Postcolonial Studies 20 (1): 118-130. 2018.
    Does the Australian state exercise legitimate power over the indigenous peoples within its borders? To say that the state’s political decisions are legitimate is to say that it has the right to impose those decisions on indigenous peoples and that they have a (at least a prima facie) duty to obey. In this paper, I consider the general normative frameworks within which these questions are often grasped in contemporary political theory. Two dominant modes of dealing with political legitimacy are t…Read more
  •  100
    The original – and often continuing – sin of countries with a settler colonial past is their brutal treatment of indigenous peoples. This challenging legacy continues to confront modern liberal democracies ranging from the USA and Canada to Australia, New Zealand and beyond. Duncan Ivison’s book considers how these states can justly accommodate indigenous populations today. He shows how indigenous movements have gained prominence in the past decade, driving both domestic and international campa…Read more
  •  86
    Locke, liberalism and empire
    In Peter R. Anstey (ed.), The Philosophy of John Locke: New Perspectives, Routledge. pp. 86--105. 2003.
    What does the 'colonialist' reading of Locke's political theory suggest about the relationship between liberalism and colonialism in general, as well as the pre-history of liberalism in particular?
  •  68
    If you asked me a few years ago ‘what is postcolonial liberalism?’, I’d have said ‘an oxymoron’. As an undergraduate, I thought liberalism was a dirty word. The idea that it could accommodate the aspirations of those who would challenge colonial authority, authority that called itself liberal, seemed naïve. As I have begun researching indigenous political movements, and their responses to democratic theory, I have been surprised to discover that people who call themselves liberals have been some…Read more
  •  67
    Multiculturalism and resentment
    In Duncan Ivison & Geoffrey Brahm Levey (eds.), Political Theory and Australian Multiculturalism, Berghan. pp. 129-148. 2008.
    There are two kinds of resentment relevant to the politics of multiculturalism today. 1 The first, which is basically Nietzsche’s conception of ressentiment, occurs under conditions in which people are subject to systematic and structural deprivation of things they want (and need), combined with a sense of powerlessness about being able to do anything about it. It manifests itself in terms of a focused anger or hatred towards that group of people who seem to have everything they want, and yet al…Read more
  •  63
    Decolonizing the Rule of Law: Mabo's case and Postcolonial Constitutionalism
    Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 17 (2): 253-280. 1997.
    Aboriginal claims for self-government in the Americas and Australasia are distinctive for being less about secession—at least so far—than about demanding an innovative rethinking of the regulative norms and institutions within and between already established nation-states. Recent cases in Australia (and Canada) provide an opportunity to consider the nature of such claims, and some of the theoretical implications for regulative conceptions of sovereignty and the rule of law. A general question i…Read more
  •  63
    The central task of this book is to map a subtle but significant addition to the political discourse on liberty since the early modern period; a gradual shift of focus form the individual secure in spheres of non-interference, or acting in accordance with authentic desires and beliefs, to the actions of a self at liberty. Being free stands opposed, classically, to being in someone else’s power, being subject to the will of another – in particular, to being constrained by the intentional actions…Read more
  •  59
    The moralism of multiculturalism
    Journal of Applied Philosophy 22 (2): 171-184. 2005.
    Moralism is a frequent charge in politics, and especially in relation to the ‘politics of recognition’. In this essay, I identify three types of moralism — undue abstraction, unjustified moralism and impotent moralism — and then discuss each in relation to recent debates over multiculturalism in liberal political theory. Each of these forms of moralism has featured in interesting ways in recent criticisms of the political theory and public policy of multiculturalism. By ‘multiculturalism’ I mean…Read more
  •  42
    “Another World Is Actual”: Between Imperialism and Freedom
    Political Theory 39 (1): 131-137. 2011.
    There have been two distinctive aspects to James Tully’s approach to the study of imperialism over the years, and both are put to work in these remarkable volumes. The first is his belief in two seemingly contradictory claims: (i) that imperialism is much more pervasive than usually thought (conceptually, historically and practically); and yet (ii) that there are many more forms of resistance to it than usually appreciated. (Part of a symposium in Political Theory on James Tully's 'Public Philos…Read more
  •  36
    An exploration of RA Duff's 'communicative theory of punishment' in contexts of deep legal and cultural pluralism.
  •  34
    Consent or contestation?
    In Jeremy Webber & Colin Mcleod (eds.), Between Consenting Peoples, Ubc Press. pp. 188-206. 2010.
    That consent could wholly explain – either descriptively or normatively – the legitimacy of the structure of political community and it’s most important and influential institutions and practices is deeply implausible. There are two general sorts of considerations adduced against such a proposition. First, history simply refutes it: force is an essential feature of the founding of any political society, and arguably, for its continued existence, and power relations, in all their complexity, are …Read more
  •  31
    Political community and historical injustice
    Australasian Journal of Philosophy 78 (3). 2000.
    This Article does not have an abstract
  •  30
    In Foundations of Modern International Thought, David Armitage provides a genealogy of the multiple foundations of international political thought. But he also enables political theorists to reflect on the nature of the pluralisation of our concepts: that is, the way various components come together in particular circumstances to form a concept that either becomes dominant or is rendered to the margins. Armitage claims that concepts can ‘never entirely escape their origins’. In this paper I expl…Read more
  •  25
    Postcolonial Liberalism
    Cambridge University Press. 2002.
    Postcolonial Liberalism presents a compelling account of the challenges to liberal political theory by claims to cultural and political autonomy and land rights made by indigenous peoples today. It also confronts the sensitive issue of how liberalism has been used to justify and legitimate colonialism. Ivison argues that there is a pressing need to re-shape liberal thought to become more receptive to indigenous aspirations and modes of being. What is distinctive about the book is the middle way …Read more
  •  23
    Does The Spirit of Haidi Gwaii Fly Only at Dusk?
    Theory and Event 1 (1). 1997.
    A review essay on Russell Hardin’s *One For All* and James Tully’s *Strange Multiplicity*
  •  23
    Justification not Recognition
    Indigenous Law Bulletin 24 (8): 12-18. 2016.
    The debate over the constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples is a deeply political one. That might appear to be a controversial claim. After all, there has been much talk about minimising the scope for disagreement between ‘constitutional conservatives’ and supporters of more expansive constitutional recognition. And there is concern to ensure that any potential referendum enjoys the maximum conditions and opportunity for success. However, my argument shall be that any form of constituti…Read more
  •  22
    Rights
    Routledge. 2008.
    The language of rights pervades modern social and political discourse and yet there is deep disagreement amongst citizens, politicians and philosophers about just what they mean. Who has them? Who should have them? Who can claim them? What are the grounds upon which they can be claimed? How are they related to other important moral and political values such as community, virtue, autonomy, democracy and social justice? In this book, Duncan Ivison offers a unique and accessible integration of, and…Read more
  •  17
    Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Reconciliation
    In David Kahane, Melissa Williams & Daniel Weinstock (eds.), Deliberative Democracy in Practice, Ubc Press. pp. 115-137. 2010.
    The problem of historical injustice presents a deep challenge to the aspirations of deliberative democrats, especially to those “deliberative activists” who seek to advance deliberation in deeply unjust circumstances (Fung 2005, 399). But the debate over historical injustice can itself benefi t from taking a “democratic turn.” Much of the literature is dominated by arguments over historical entitlement theories of justice or by a legalistic focus on the possibilities for compensation and reparati…Read more
  •  16
    The secret history of public reason: Hobbes to Rawls
    History of Political Thought 18 (1): 126-147. 1997.
    My claim in this paper is that what I shall call the problem of public reason became central to the political theory of the early modern period, and continues to be in ours. However the solutions we have, for the most part, inherited and developed since then are increasingly under pressure in these fractious times. Public justification may be crucial to liberal political theory, but it can take alternative and conflicting forms. Moreover, however much it is theoretically unlimited -- however muc…Read more
  •  13
    Republican Human Rights?
    European Journal of Political Theory 9 (1): 31-47. 2010.
    The very idea of republican human rights, seems paradoxical. My aim in this article is to explore this disjunctive conjunction. One of the distinctive features of republican discourse, both in its civic humanist and neo-Roman variants, is the secondary status that rights are supposed to play in politics. Although the language of rights is not incommensurable with republican political thought, it is supposed to know its place. What can republican categories of political understanding offer for gr…Read more
  •  11
    Pluralism and the Hobbesian logic of negative constitutionalism
    Political Studies 47 (1): 83-99. 1999.
    According to an essentially Hobbesian account of political order, the claims of cultural and national minorities within a state to some form of constitutional or institutional recognition are morally suspect and politically undesirable. Underlying this Hobbesian logic is a particular understanding of the relation between law and politics. `Negative constitutionalism' is focused primarily on limiting the damage government can do. However the pursuit of constitutional minimalism runs up against th…Read more