R Paul

William Ellery Channing, one of the most important theological figures of early nineteenth century America, produced a remarkable body of writings on war. These writings, spanning more than three decades, epitomize the moral and theological struggles of early progressive Christians around issues of peace and war. This paper argues that Channing's war writings are both a reflection of their time and ahead of their time. They are rooted in the social and political realities of antebellum America and in the early liberal theology that Channing himself helped to define, yet they anticipate several late twentieth-century developments in just war thinking and foreshadow many of the strategies advocated by contemporary proponents of the emerging “just peacekeeping” paradigm.

As in previous stochastic interpretations of quantum mechanics, the electron is treated as a modified Brownian particle. Here, however, the analysis is based on extensions of the short-time Ornstein-Uhlenbeck description of classical Brownian motion, rather than the approximate, long-time Einstein-Smoluchowski treatment utilized in the earlier work. It is shown that Schrödinger's equation with its proper probabilistic interpretation emerges as an asymptotic description of such a system. After reviewing relevant aspects of Brownian motion, the appropriate equation for the displacement distribution in the Ornstein-Uhlenbeck framework is derived. The Brownian system is then coupled to external potentials via a modified Lagrangian formulation, resulting in coupled equations which, except for transient terms, are shown to be equivalent to Schrödinger's equation. These transients imply that the short-time stochastic model, while reproducing the early successes of quantum mechanics, is, in principal, experimentally distinguishable from it

Deux points de vue s'opposent radicalement à propos de la mondialisation: les uns y voient l'uniformisation des cultures, les autres, son métissage et sa diversification. L'auteur défend que les mutations en cours n'en sont qu'à leurs prémices, car la vitesse de croissance de la masse des échanges matériels et symboliques est exponentielle. Ces mutations menacent la diversité des cultures, moins à cause de leur standardisation qu'en raison de l'explosion des formes d'altérité en multiples parcelles de différences. Celles-ci se combinent entre elles dans un cosmopolitisme généralisé, fertile mais épuisant, sans cesse en recomposition, alors qu'il faut du temps, de l'espace, de l'isolement, pour donner aux cultures le souffle nécessaire à leur structuration, à leur cohésion interne et à leur diversification. La culture mondiale devient un maelström, où dominent les productions des pays les plus puissants et l'intérêt des plus riches, tandis que le corps social anomique se fragmente.Two views are radically opposed to about globalization: some see it as the standardization of cultures, other people, his mixing and diversification. The author argues that the current changes are only in their infancy, because the growth rate of the mass of material and symbolic exchanges is exponential. These changes threaten the diversity of cultures, less because of their standardization that due to the explosion of forms of otherness in multiple plots differences. These combine them in a generalized cosmopolitanism, fertile but exhausting, constantly redial, then it takes time, space, isolation, cultures to give the breath necessary to their structure, their internal cohesion and diversification. Global culture becomes a maelstrom, dominated the productions of the most powerful countries and the interests of the richest, while the body breaks social anomie

This article considers the development of the individual subject of law and his constitutional status in the early modern English State, within the context of sumptuary legislation enacted by the Crown and the Inns of Court. During the sixteenth century, the legal community took upon itself the role of exemplifying the correct use of symbols and of elucidating the purpose of sumptuary law. The image of the lawyer was manipulated to represent the inherent divinity of common law. The reformation of the image was inevitably influenced by the doctrinal concepts of the European Reformation and is a graphic indication of the centrality of Anglicanism to the development of early modern common law. I discuss these developments with reference to theories of the image proposed by Goodrich, Legendre and Marin. I refer also to Carlyle's satirical treatise on the symbolism of clothes,Sartor Resartus. The constitution of clothes represents the idea of citizenship and the centrality of reason to the body-politic. The rediscovery of classical texts during the Renaissance was instrumental in shaping a constitution in which an embryonic social contract was apparent, as represented in the sumptuary legislation of the Inns of Court.

Despite the rapidly growing literature on realism, there’s little discussion of the ideology critique of John Rawls offered by one of its leading lights, Raymond Geuss. There is little understanding of what (most of) this critique consists in and few discussions of how Rawls’ approach to political theorising may be defended against it. To remedy this situation, this article reconstructs the realist ideology critique of Rawls advanced by Raymond Geuss, which has three prongs: (1) Rawls’ political theory offers insufficient tools to uncover and address distortions of our political values, beliefs, and intuitions; (2) it unacceptably reinforces these distortions by unduly legitimating them; and (3) it diverts attention from important features of real politics. With this done, I finish by considering how Rawlsians can respond, chiefly by employing a kind of reflective equilibrium, or reflective endorsement, broad enough to encompass different forms of genealogy and ideology critique.

Is realism in political theory compatible with utopianism? This article shows that it is, by reconstructing a highly restrictive realist approach to political theory for guiding legislation and public policy, drawn from the work of Adam Smith, and showing how it can accommodate Piketty’s utopian proposal for a global tax on capital. This shows not only that realism and utopianism are compatible; but how realist and utopian political theory can be carried out in concrete cases. This moves debates to more interesting questions of which forms of utopianism are permissible within which forms of realism; contributes to moving the contemporary realism debates from a Methodenstreit to questions of how it can and ought to be done; and contributes to an important contemporary debate about the permissibility of utopian proposals for political and economic reform in general and Piketty’s proposed global tax on capital in particular.