Andrea Raimondi

Tarski and Quine argue that it is meaningless to quantify into quotation, the referentially opaque context par excellence. Building on Frege's thesis that ‘the introduction of a sign for identity of content necessarily produces a bifurcation in the meaning of all signs’ (Begriffsschrift, Section 8), we challenge this view. We advance a semantics for first-order languages in which every expression has a ‘bifurcated’ value — a pair consisting of the expression's ordinary referent and the expression itself. This allows treating quotation marks as a function symbol — something that is impossible to achieve within ordinary semantics. In addition to vindicating Frege's treatment of identity in Begriffsschrift, our theory of quotation solves a riddle about anaphora and gives an original account of Giorgione sentences. Building on this account, we offer a reading of quoted variables on which they retain their status as genuine variables. Finally, using this reading, we refute the Tarski–Quine orthodoxy.

In this paper, we consider strategies for Naïve Realists to resist recent arguments from seeming against their view (Brogaard 2018). First, we critically assess an argument to the effect that seemings are representational. Then, we consider various arguments attempting to establish the falsity of Naïve Realism drawing on the alleged representational properties of seemings. We suggest that Naïve Realists have several options to resist the ways in which their premises are defended. We conclude with a significant result for the existing dispute: seemings might be essentially representational and be part of the nature of visual experiences, and yet this might have limited to no import when it comes to the issue of whether veridical perceptions have a naïve realist nature.

Brentano’s suggestion that intentionality is the mark of the mental is typically spelled out in terms of the thesis that all and only mental states are intentional. An influential objection is that intentionality is not necessary for mentality. What about the idea that only mental states are intentional? In his 2008 paper published in Analysis, Nes shows that on a popular characterization of intentionality, notably defended by Crane, some non-mental states come out as intentional. Crane replies that the concept of representation solves the problem. In this paper, I argue that no representational account of intentionality meets Nes’s challenge. After distinguishing between two notions of representation, I contend that there are two versions of Crane’s representational account, but neither of them is able to solve the problem posed by Nes.

According to the quotational theory of meaning ascriptions, sentences like “‘Bruder means brother” are abbreviated synonymy claims, such as “‘Bruder means the same as ‘brother’”. After discussing a problem with Harman’s version of the quotational theory, I present an amended version defended by Field. Then, I address Field’s responses to two arguments against the theory that revolve around translation and the understanding of foreign expressions. Afterwards, I formulate two original arguments against both Harman’s and Field’s versions of the theory. One of them targets the hyperintensionality of quotations and the other raises a problem pertaining to variant spellings of words.

Una tesi che è stata ultimamente discussa dai filosofi analitici del linguaggio è la tesi della normatività del significato linguistico (TNS). Secondo TNS, i significati delle espressioni delle lingue naturali hanno una componente normativa: essi fissano uno standard di correttezza per l’applicazione o l’uso (da parte dei parlanti) delle espressioni stesse e, in conseguenza di ciò, impegnano i parlanti a determinati obblighi semantici nell’applicazione o nell’uso delle espressioni. In questo articolo, ricostruisco e difendo alcune riflessioni di Wilfrid Sellars a favore di questa tesi. In particolare, mi concentro sulle riflessioni contenute in “Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind” (1956) e sviluppate in “Language as Thought and as Communication” (1969) e “Meaning as Functional Classification. A Perspective on the Relation of Syntax to Semantics” (1974). La struttura dell’articolo è la seguente. Nella prima sezione, presento TNS nella sua versione più generale. Nella seconda sezione, mostro alcuni casi di enunciati descrittivi che sono in grado di trasmettere, in determinati contesti di proferimento, una forza normativa: sostengo che un fenomeno simile sia caratteristico anche degli enunciati semantici – enunciati della forma “L’espressione linguistica e significa M”. Questo è il cuore della versione di TNS che vado a discutere. Nella terza, quarta e quinta sezione, discuto l’analisi di Sellars degli enunciati semantici. La conclusione della sua analisi è che un enunciato semantico predica l’identità dei ruoli funzionali di due parole. Mostro come Sellars arrivi a questa analisi, dedicando ampio spazio alla critica ad un’analisi alternativa, secondo la quale gli enunciati semantici sono enunciati descrittivi che predicano una relazione di associazione tra un’espressione linguistica e un oggetto o proprietà. Mi soffermo sulle ragioni teoriche che giustificano il rifiuto di Sellars di questa analisi, concentrandomi su alcune tematiche classiche del progetto epistemologico sellarsiano. Nella sesta sezione, dopo aver argomentato che la nozione di pragmema proposta da Capone (2005, 2018) può aiutare a comprendere e ampliare la nozione sellarsiana di ruolo funzionale, mostro come tale analisi possa essere sfruttata per sostenere che gli enunciati semantici sono enunciati metalinguistici che hanno delle conseguenze normative sui comportamenti linguistici dei parlanti. Accenno infine al dibattito contemporaneo e alla formulazione di un argomento oggi discusso a favore di TNS, a partire da una rivisitazione della nozione di ruolo funzionale.

According to Millianism about proper names, what a proper name semantically contributes to the sentence in which it figures is simply its referent; therefore, co-referring proper names are intercheangable salva veritate and salva significatione. In their 2019 paper published in Topoi, Felappi and Santambrogio formulate a thought-provoking argument against Millianism. Their argument aims at establishing that our normal practice of translation shows that Millianism cannot be correct. I argue that Millians can successfully reply. I will address in turn two versions of Felappi and Santambrogio’s argument, focusing especially on the second one, which apparently raises a more challenging problem for Millianism. Finally, I will consider two objections against my own strategy, and I will reply to them.