Anjeza Xhaferaj

This article delves into the intricate dynamics of democratization in Albania, a key case study within the broader context of the Western Balkans. It critically examines how the entrenched system of patronage politics influences the democratization process, challenging conventional models of political development. By categorizing Albanian party systems based on their competitiveness and consolidation, the study unveils how these systems, regardless of being dominant or plural, primarily function as expansive patronage networks. This patronage framework, deeply embedded in the political fabric, effectively inverts the standard paradigm of accountability between political parties and the electorate. The article argues that this inversion poses significant obstacles to the democratization trajectory, necessitating a critical reevaluation of party politics in Albania. Through a comprehensive analysis of Albania’s political landscape, the study seeks to unravel the complexities of patronage politics and its implications for democratic consolidation, offering insights that contribute to the broader discourse on democratization in post-socialist states.

Introduction: This article applies theory-testing process tracing to assess how media self-regulation functions in Albania and how it interacts with statutory oversight. Building on a documentary corpus (codes of ethics; institutional rule books; complaint decisions; regulator bulletins), the study reconstructs three sequences: (A) a 2025 cluster of Albanian Media Council and Alliance for Ethical Media ethics decisions concerning legacy online coverage and privacy-related claims (voluntary pillar); (B) a 2023–2024 run of Audiovisual Media Authority complaints culminating in sanctions/warnings in high-audience reality/talk formats (statutory pillar); and (C) the 2019–2024 policy trajectory of the “anti-defamation” package aimed at extending administrative oversight to a broad range of online publications and resources. Methods: Across cases, we probe a hypothesized mechanism in which clear procedural rules, an empowered complaint-handling body, and timely, public, reasoned decisions are expected to increase accountability visibility- approximated through observable indicators such as accessibility of decisions, public communication of outcomes, and verifiable remedial action by outlets. Working with documentary sources, we operationalize accountability through observable proxies such as the visibility of decisions, outlet-side corrections, and complaint-routing patterns. Results: Evidence suggests that the voluntary pillar issues reasoned, public decisions but faces publication-and-compliance visibility gaps, while the statutory pillar provides faster, visible redress (warnings/fines) that may crowd out voluntary mechanisms. The policy-process case shows how international standards and domestic veto points constrained the design of the proposed defamation package extension, shaping the feasible configuration of oversight. Conclusions: Implications include stabilizing and standardizing transparency practices for self-regulatory outcomes (e.g., building a public registry of self-regulatory decisions and compliance logging) and clarifying coordination and referral practices between the statutory regulator and voluntary bodies in line with EU standards, including the European Media Freedom Act.

This paper examines the evolving regulation of the media environment in the digital age, focusing on innovative tools and practices aligned with European Union (EU)standards. The analysis underscores the dual challenge of safeguarding freedom of expression while addressing new risks such as disinformation, ownership concentration, and political interference. Drawing on the EU’s regulatory instruments, including the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD), Digital Services Act (DSA), Digital Markets Act (DMA), General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), and the newly adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), the paper highlights the EU’s role as a normative leader in shaping democratic media governance. Particular emphasis is placed on Albania, a candidate country whose progress toward EU membership depends on aligning its media framework with European standards. The findings show that while Albania has made formal legislative advances, implementation and enforcement remain weak, leaving journalists vulnerable to political and economic pressures. By situating Albania’s case within broader European developments, the paper identifies regulatory innovations and self-regulatory practices essential for building a resilient, independent, and pluralistic media landscape in the digital era.

This paper examines how hybridity, trust dynamics, and geopolitical rivalry interact to shape democratic development in Albania and to condition the effectiveness of EU democracy-promotion assistance. Albania offers a revealing case because it combines a strong Euro-Atlantic alignment and substantial formal approximation to European standards with persistent informal power, selective enforcement, and uneven institutional credibility. Drawing on project process tracing and a survey vignette study among Albanians (n = 560), the analysis shows that citizens distinguish sharply between the EU as a normative horizon and the everyday delivery of EU-linked reforms through domestic intermediaries. Trust is highly selective: confidence concentrates in a limited number of insulated “islands of integrity,” while routine politics and administration are more often perceived through the lens of brokerage, clientelism, and capture.

Volunteer work during communism is one of the main myths that are often reiterated in the post-communist Albanian sphere. It is often described as an unpaid work done in the public realm to implement massive projects such as construction of dams, of railroads, drainage of wetlands and construction of terraced fields which contributed to the development of the country during communism. The aim of this article is to investigate what meanings were attached to the volunteering work in the communist Albania and how it was presented in the Albanian literature. The volunteer work was managed by the communist state by means of the Party of Labor’s ancillary organizations such as Youth Organization, Democratic Front Organization, Women Front Organization and Committee of Veterans. The implementation of the massive projects required large quantity of funds and immense human capital. To keep people motivated the propaganda sector played an important role. Culture and arts, including the literature of socialist realism, were used to disseminate the messages of the communist leadership to the people. The narrative of the communist leadership was full of cliches such as ‘volunteer work helps to strengthen and create solidarity between the working class, the peasants and the strata of intellectuals’, “the volunteer work helps to emancipate women and girls”, “the voluntary work helps to fabricate the new man”, “the youth is the main driving force towards progress and development”. These messages were present in the speeches of Enver Hoxha, the communist leader of Albania in his meetings with youngsters, women and girls, peasants, working class people, artists and writers and the same messages were present in the Albanian literature of socialist realism. In order to analyze the role of volunteer work in Albania, how solidarity was created among people and what strategies did the Party of Labor of Albania pursued to motivate an immense high number of people in the construction of the country after the World War II, we will analyze how voluntary work was described in the works of Enver Hoxha and how this was reflected in the Albanian literature. By tracing the amount of time voluntary work occupied in people lives (in term of hours of work and as a topic of conversation), the typology of voluntary work and its spatial distribution, its interconnectedness with other aspects of cultural life, we could understand what meaning did people attach to the voluntary work and how the voluntary work itself organized peoples’ life.

This paper examines the construction of the “class enemy” in Albanian socialist realist literature through a critical discourse analysis lens. Under Enver Hoxha’s leadership, the Party-State politicized aesthetics to convince citizens that Albanian society was ostensibly unified, with any divisions attributable to social elements—kulaks, bourgeoisie, and clerics—linked to the old order or to imperialist forces. Drawing on Arendt’s concept of permanent revolution and Lefort’ s notion of social prophylaxis, the paper demonstrates how the Party continuously produced the “enemy of the people,” not only by reimagining genuine opponents in fictional terms, but also by inventing new adversaries whenever ideological expediency demanded it. Waves of exclusion, persecution, and terror periodically shook the country, reaching even the upper echelons of the Party of People of Albania. Legitimated by literature and other artistic productions fully subjugated to Party directives, these purges depicted enemies as parasites or remnants warranting eradication. Through a close reading of key socialist realist works published between 1945 and 1989, the analysis highlights how specific rhetorical and narrative strategies—derogatory epithets, dehumanizing imagery, and insistence on sabotage—reinforced the totalitarian discourse of vigilance, suspicion, and annihilation. It further explores how economic position, social standing, and family background became markers for identifying the “enemy,” shaping the fates reserved for such figures. The study concludes that Albanian socialist realism texts not only portrayed an “evil Other” but also served as a disciplinary apparatus in the Foucauldian sense: they rationalized ongoing purges and bolstered the state’s full-spectrum control over politics, culture, and society. Ultimately, this literary deployment of the “enemy” concept sustained the Party’s permanent revolution narrative, perpetuating an atmosphere of fear and legitimizing the regime’s authoritarian measures.

This study explores the evolution of populist discourse in the political communication of Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama between 2013 and 2024. It examines how populist rhetoric is adapted in the context of a transitional democracy committed to European integration. The research is based on a purposive sample of 96 speeches, press conferences, interviews, and international addresses. It employs a mixed-method design combining holistic grading of populist intensity with itemized content coding. The analysis captures five dimensions of populist rhetoric: ideational, strategic, emotive, pluralism (reverse-coded), and migration. The results reveal a moderate and adaptive populist style, where anti-elitist and people-centered appeals are framed within a consistent pro-European stance. Rama’s discourse frequently emphasizes national unity and moral leadership, particularly through references to Albanian hospitality during migration crises. While his rhetoric includes emotional and personalized elements especially during national or geopolitical emergencies, it rarely undermines pluralist or democratic norms. The European Union is framed not as an adversary but as a partner in reform and modernization. The Albanian case demonstrates that populism can be mobilized in inclusive, internationally aligned ways. Rama’s discourse exemplifies a form of Europhilic populism that coexists with institutional legitimacy and normative alignment with the EU. This study challenges the notion that populism is inherently anti-democratic or anti-European. It suggests that in semi-peripheral states like Albania, populism may serve as a rhetorical bridge between domestic legitimacy and international aspiration.

This article investigates the role of television on the structure and organization of political parties in the post – communist Albania. The existing literature on political parties links the structure of mass parties with the written press, and the structure of electoral- professional and cartel parties with the increasing influence of television. The mass party is based on the principle of membership. Among many tasks that members had to carry out, the dissemination of party’s declarations, statements, opinions and ideology, through the distribution of party press is one of the most important. The studies on political parties have observed the emergence of the catch-all, electoral-professional and cartel party, in which the party leaders have substituted the membership organizational network with television, and thus minimized the role of intermediate party organs. In difference from their counterparts in Western Europe, in the new established democracies of post-communist countries, political parties were born in a period characterized by a modern and developed media which was accessible to everyone. Therefore, the immediate access to modern means of communication has distanced the parties from the society since the early phases of their inceptions, without giving them the opportunity and necessity to organize territorially. This article analysed the techniques that have used the Albanian political parties to communicate with their electorate, concluding that in the moment of their creation, television could not serve to the opposition parties as a means of information. That is why they had to rely heavily on the written press and their membership. The opening of some broadcasting channels, after 2000, made possible the access on modern techniques of communication, leading to a minor role of the press and membership. As a result we could say that at the early phase of democratic process, the political parties in Albania shared features of the mass party with a strong territorial penetration, features that started to fade out when television gained a more prominent role in the organization of electoral campaigns by influencing thus a more contemporary western alike model of party organization.

This paper offers an in-depth analysis of electoral volatility in Albania from 1991 to 2021, a transformative period from a communist regime to a democratic multi-party system. It diverges from Central and Eastern European trends by examining Albania's unique political dynamics and the factors influencing electoral behavior and volatility. Utilizing the Pedersen Index, the study methodically evaluates various determinants impacting party electoral volatility in Albania. The research underscores the significance of high membership rates and robust ground organization within major political parties as key contributors to low volatility levels in Albania's party system, thus providing insight into the intricacies and idiosyncrasies of Albania's political landscape.

This thesis explores the party system and political parties in the post-communist Albania. The overarching question of the thesis is what kind of party system has developed and what is the structure and organization of the Albanian political parties. The study analyses the period 1991-2013, that is the period between the first and the last general elections. I argue and test that the Albanian party system is stable and that the Albanian political parties are mass clientelist parties with deep territorial penetration. The members of the parties have ceased to paly their traditional roles of the era of mass party and their attachment tot he party is not ideological but aims to ensure material benefits in return for the support provided to the party in elections times. As parties don't have many tools at hand they use their organizational structure to stabilize electorate, which explains the low level of electoral volatility in Albania and as consequence the stability of the party system. The thesis ahs an institutional embedded and a historically structured framework according to which party strategies are shaped by both the institutional context and the historical setting in which parties are created and operate. Following this line of reasoning, the weak societal roots of parties do not allow for party identification or voter alignment; the early access to public funding reduces the incentives of parties to create strong links with the members and society to collect financial resources and; in line with the features of the patrimonial communism which is characterized by clientelism and nepotism, the Albanian political parties develop the same relationships between the higher echelons of the party and the lower strata of the party structure. On the other hand the lack of media access in the early phase of organization and the need to stabilize the electorate, encourage the Albanian political parties to seek a deep territorial penetration which results in the creation of mass clientelist parties. In order to test the hypothesis I have undertaken three steps: a) the analyses of the Effective Number of Parties and Electoral Volatility; b) the internal distribution of power, the role of the membership and the relationship of the organization with society and; c) the identification of financial resources of the political parties.

This study explores the entry of new and small parties into the party system in Albania, focusing on the period from 1990 to 2017. It is a comprehensive exploration of the Albanian political landscape from 1991 to 2017, focusing on the role of electoral systems and how they influence party politics. The study underscores the necessity for strong, stable political parties in a thriving democracy and investigates how the electoral system either facilitates or hinders the representation of small and new parties. It investigates the influence of institutional factors, as well as the challenges and strategies related to political survival that these parties face. The analysis reveals how the two-round majority system typically fosters a two-party system, whereas a proportional system can lead to a more fragmented party landscape, often necessitating coalitions for effective governance. The impact of these dynamics was observed during several key periods in Albanian political history, noting the consequences of changes in the electoral system on the party system. The paper also highlights how major parties often manipulate the electoral system, through practices such as gerrymandering, to their own advantage, leading to potential distortions in representation. Furthermore, it presents the challenges for new and small parties, emphasizing the importance of financial support and media coverage for their survival and competitive performance.

The paper is an attempt to analyse the benefits that remote work could bring in the development of the country. It is organized in three parts. In the first part it engages with the concept of public policy, how it is shaped and should be done to make visible problems that need to be addressed. The second part analysis the benefits of teleworking and potential models for city organization and population distribution to support country development. The last part analyses the case of Albania to discover that remote work, demography, and country development are concepts not yet analyzed in connection for exploring the benefits they could bring. The paper concludes that government should invest in developing human resources in the field of digitalization, so that the number of employees who could telework and companies that could use that expertise is increased. In this way, companies and staff do not necessarily need to locate in the capital or big cities but could locate in medium size cities and periphery. This would contribute to the development of currently neglected areas and decrease living expenses in big cities, making thus more affordable the life for the low-income workers. In doing so, not only the living conditions will improve but the gap between centre and periphery will narrow down and lead to a better distribution of economic benefits across country.

When parties and interest groups interact, they can do so in several ways which could be on an informal level, lobbying for a party candidate, or group representatives approach party leaders in the parliament to lobby them on an issue. There is a plethora of studies on the extent to which major political parties and major interests have related in the past and continue to relate or interact at the organizational level. Researchers have investigated to what extent parties and groups had formal organizational ties, cooperated in elections, or worked in concert on developing and implementing policies. Factors that for decades have determined the relationship between political parties and interest groups in liberal democracies are political system and subsystem development, political culture and political ideology, centralization of government and policymaking, nature of the party system, political party dependence on interest groups, encompassing characteristics of the interest group system, interest group development, ideology, and leadership. However, the pandemic has influenced to a great extend the relationship between interest groups and politics. While Covid-19 crisis has consolidated power within governments, leaving opposition parties in a bind, on the other hand it has galvanized interest groups and businesses to mobilize. The pandemic has opened up the lobbying playing field to many new players. The paper aims to investigate to what extend the pandemic has influenced the relationship between political parties, government and interest groups and what strategies have these last ones used to get heard in a time when social distancing has reduced the opportunities for face-to-face lobbying.

This study is an attempt to analyze the factors that have contributed towards the success of the Democratic Party of Albania. It seeks to introduce new dimensions in measuring the success of a political party. The study rejects the elements of ‘office-holding’ and ‘policy – or performance-based’ measures of success, because they are determined by a complex array of economic, political, social and institutional factors. The concept of “party success” is defined in terms of: ‘breadth’ and ‘durability’. At the same time the study aims at ‘emancipating’ the political parties from the past and macro-institutional factors, to which very often are ascribed the reasons for the perceived failure of politics in Albania. The approach used in this study has regarded the political parties as the real political actors that as such should assume the responsibility for the perceived failures. Neither the lack of political culture, nor the communist system, are the main factors to shape the activity and development of political parties in Albania. Both macro-institutional and historical structural approach has limited explanatory power for the success of the Democratic Party. Its success is a direct consequence of the decisions that the political parties themselves, including Democratic Party as one of the key actors, have taken. The research showed that the Democratic Party of Albania has been successful because and when its elite have been able to craft inclusive ideological programs and because of its extensive penetration in the country, which it owes to its structure as a mass party. The party has established patronage linkages with its sympathizers, the rank and file and militants and consequently has ensured their loyalty and maintained an extensive electoral penetration in country.

Although party membership has been extensively analysed in the EU Members States from Western and Eastern Europe, there is a gap in systematic data collection and analyses for the other countries in the Balkans and post-Soviet region. This book provides new and innovative insights in the area of party membership research to analyse the evolution of membership organizations in political parties from under-investigated countries. Specifically, it seeks to understand the way in which political parties and the national legislation conceptualize the notion of membership within and across countries. It provides original data and affords a first comprehensive, comparative study of party members in the EU neighbouring countries, which resonate particular interest because some of them occupy the "precarious middle ground between a full-fledge democracy and outright dictatorship". In light of these relevant observations, this systematic analysis of membership evolutions in democratizing countries brings valuable insights for the study of party politics in general. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party systems, party organisation and elections, post-Soviet and East European politics and more broadly to democratization studies and comparative politics.

The parliamentary elections in Albania took place on 25th March 2021 and they were won by the Socialist Party. Even though elections took place during the pandemic, the pandemics itself had a minor impact on the process. With the exception of making compulsory a two-week quarantine for those entering the country and thus making it impossible for the Albanian emigrants to cast their vote, the election campaign was organized similarly with the preceding campaigns without concerns for social distancing. The real change which eventually influenced the campaign was the change in the electoral law from closed to open list. For the first time, the party and the party candidates pursued different strategies. In addition to the official campaign, there was an underground campaign with vote buying and exercise of influence which aimed and achieved to transfer vote from the top of the top of the list to candidates in the middle or even lower part of the list. This made it possible to observe and understand the internal conflicts within the parties

On the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II, the International Academic Week in Tutzing in October 2021 attempted to describe the diverging and often conflicting memory cultures in the Southeast European post-conflict societies today: the canonical and cultural memory concerning World War II and the Holocaust on the one hand and inter-generationally formed communicative memories on the other. The post-Yugoslav debates on memory are conditioned by the renewed experience of ethnic violence, displacement and genocide during the wars of the 1990s. The sixteen contributions in the four panels “Holocaust and Antisemitism”, “Memories of Tito’s Yugoslavia”, “Memory Wars in the National Discourse” and “Writing Memory Culture” use multidisciplinary approaches (archival sources, oral history, fieldwork, popular culture) to highlight the socio-political contexts and medialization of memory production.

SUMMARY The research focuses on the three main political parties in Albania, namely Socialist Party, Democratic Party and Socialist Movement for Integration. Its objectives are to measure the Intra-Party Democracy(IPD) in the Albanian political parties and to explore the meaning that party members attach to it. The IPD is understood and broken down into categories and sub-categories so that parties in particular and all interested actors in the field of political parties and democracy could understand, which component of IPD parties are performing better and where they are performing worse. IPD is measured against two dimensions: inclusiveness and decentralization. Inclusiveness denotes the extent to which party members have the right to express their opinions and participate in the decision-making process. With decentralization is understood the process which makes possible the decentralization of the decision-making process from the highest national party level to party sub-national levels and party members. In a decentralized party, subnational party units enjoy a certain level of autonomy from the party in the center. The analysis is based on both primary and secondary data. Content analysis of party statutes particularly focuses on measuring IPD, while focus groups with party members and interviews with high-ranking officials of the political parties are used to explore the meaning that party members have on IPD, as well as validate content analysis findings. The main findings are: Content Analysis of Party Statutes: Parties do have rules that govern their internal life, however these rules need to be improved in order to strengthen IPD. Especially problematic were the provisions for the role of the executive committee and party president, which provide these two institutions, especially the leader of the party with powers that don’t hold him/her accountable to the party members and middle level organs. Furthermore, members were not sufficiently involved in the procedures of candidate nominations for MPs, in the election of the national Executive and Executive Committee and in the election of the Party President. The analysis also finds that voting procedures are not sufficiently at place to allow members express their will and participate in the decision-making process and that members are not or little consulted in terms of programmatic issues. The analysis of the relationship between the national and subnational levels of party organization revealed that the center of the party has accumulated power to the detriment of the subnational units which enjoy little autonomy in the decision-making process. Focus Groups and Interviews: The study finds that party members linked system-level democracy with IPD and that they have a very clear understanding if IPD: what it is and how it could be achieved. They linked IPD with the structure and organization of the party, seeing it as an important instrument that allows for decentralization of power and integration of rank and file into the decision-making process. The party members considered the statute as an important educational political tool and invoked it whenever disputes rose or decisions had to be taken. They linked IPD with the electoral system and considered that closed list proportional was a system that strengthened the power in the hands of the few at the party top executive level and weakened IPD.

The aim of this paper is to explore and understand the Albanian Party System. The analysis will cover the period from the collapse of the communist regime in 1991 until 2014. It will try to investigate what forces drive the battle of the parties, what cleavages 'divide' society and consequently the party system as well as which are the parties that count the most. in order to assess this, the paper will focus on the parliamentary parties and will relay on various theoretical concepts of the contemporary literature on political parties. First it will draw on Sartori's concept of 'relevance' in order to understand whether all the parliamentary parties over the course of twenty four years of pluralism are important or not and what weight do they have. Then it will use the Laakso - Taagepera index of the Effective Number of Parties to understand how power is distributed within the parliament.

The paper aims to explore the relationships that exist between party structure, party system, patronage, and the appointments of the political elites. It is focused on the extent to which political parties can control the allocation of jobs as well as find out which are the institutions over whom the political parties can exercise power; the extent to which historical legacies influence patronage patterns; the extent to which party patronage is exercised in a ‘majoritarian’ as opposed to a more ‘consensual’ manner across the spectrum of political parties; and the relationship that exist between the structure of the party, the appointment of political elites and patronage. The conclusion is that the party in public office and its allies in the coalition cabinet control the post of ministers and vice-ministers. While these last ones control the posts of their subordinates, it is hard to understand whether they select the employees from the party pool or from their personal networks. The other finding is that the structure of the party creates strong links between patronage and appointment, these last ones done with the scope of having control over government resources and distribution of resources. On the other hand, the research didn’t prove any link between historical legacies and patronage and party system and patronage

The aim of the paper is to explore the discourse strategies of the Party of Labor of Albania to eliminate its enemies in the early years of establishing communism in the country. The contention is that PLA and its leaders made possible the elimination of thousands of people by normalizing the process. The enemies of the party were declared enemies of the people and as such, they had to disappear in one way or another, so that the integrity of the body politics could be preserved. The class enemy was considered a parasite that should be eliminated in the name of social prophylaxis. By using discourse analyses the paper will investigate the discursive strategies followed by the communist party and its leader when addressing the class enemy. Speeches of Enver Hoxha in Party Congresses, Plenums, and gatherings with people will be analyzed. Only by normalizing the process of elimination of everyone who was depicted as an enemy, did the communist party make possible the elimination of thousands of people. Normalization is understood as the standardization of the procedure so that everyone knew in advance what would happen if someone had to be declared an enemy of the people. The paper will analyze the vocabulary used to portray the class enemy and his/her destiny in specific cases. The study has analyzed the speeches given to justify the elimination of Patër Anton Harapi, Lef Nosi, Maliq Bej Bushat, dom Lazër Shantoja, dom Ndre Zadeja, and the sabotage group of the Maliqi swamp. The analysis covers the period immediately after the end of the IIWW when communists seized the power.