Carlos Munoz-Serna

This study investigates the cognitive changes for female detainees participating in a chemical dependency program that relies on cognitive behavioral therapy to help participants understand their addiction from biological, cognitive, and social perspectives. We examined how in-detention treatment perceptions of self and social connectedness. Qualitative data, collected through essays written by participants pre-treatment and upon release from detention, suggest that the program promotes many of the cognitive changes associated with desistance described by extant theoretical models, including the Identity Theory of Desistance (ITD). Our findings expand our understanding of the identity-desistance link by demonstrating that cognitive changes can occur during detention while women simultaneously experience the “pains of imprisonment.” We discuss the implications of our findings for both practice and policy.

There is the intuition that some emotions do not sustain a cognitively demanding reading of their representational content. However, it is not evident how to articulate that intuition—and the mere claim that the content of those emotions is not conceptual (or, alternatively, that it is non-conceptual; see, for instance, Tappolet, 2016) does not shed light on the specific way in which those emotions represent. We, therefore, develop a proposal with the aim of giving substance to the claim that emotions involve non-conceptual mental content. The thesis that we defend entails that certain emotions are intrinsically motivational, specifically that their content is action-oriented and presents the world in terms of intrinsically motivational possibilities for action. Then we delve into the way this thesis stands in regard to views according to which the essence of emotions lies in the attitude rather than in the content (Deonna & Teroni, 2012, 2015), or others in which emotions have to do with action-readiness rather than with action itself (Scarantino, 2014)—as well as in regard to doubts on the very notion of non-conceptual content. Finally, we examine some consequences deriving from the proposal (having to do with the so-called irrationality of some emotions and the notion of basic emotion, among others) and its position relative to notable approaches to emotion (cognitive, perceptual, attitudinal and motivational).

¿Qué es y cómo podemos explicar la culpa que sienten las personas por el hecho de haber sobrevivido a una situación mientras que otros no lo hicieron? ¿Cuáles son las razones y los mecanismos psicológicos que llevan a un individuo a culparse por un hecho en el que, lejos de poder ser considerado victimario, ha sido una víctima? En suma ¿Cómo podemos entender un fenómeno como el de la culpa del sobreviviente? En este libro, los autores Carlos Munoz-Serna y Carlos G. Patarroyo intentan responder estas preguntas. En la primera parte del libro, a partir del análisis de cuatro casos reales, los autores muestran las razones por las cuales la culpa del sobreviviente no encaja con nuestras nociones tradicionales de responsabilidad, ni con la manera como entendemos una emoción como la culpa. En la segunda parte, los autores desarrollan un modelo explicativo que muestra cómo estados psicológicos subyacentes, como la creencia en el mundo justo, el deseo de mantener control sobre nuestra realidad y los vínculos afectivos, pueden llevar a los sobrevivientes a responsabilizarse por un daño que no cometieron y, por ende, sentirse culpables.

En este artículo presentamos el modelo tradicional (que llamaremos canónico) que se ha usado para explicar el autoengaño y algunos de los problemas que ha de enfrentar. Presentaremos luego el que ha sido conocido como el modelo deflacionista o no intencionalista y defenderemos que es una alternativa mejor para entender este fenómeno que el modelo canónico. Finalmente, presentaremos una limitación o problema que ha de enfrentar el modelo deflacionista y que, al ser tratada, obliga a hacer ciertas consideraciones y a mirarlo bajo una nueva luz que, lejos de ponerlo en duda o debilitarlo, termina por fortalecerlo. Esta limitación se basa en que el modelo ha sido pensado teniendo en mente sólo evidencia perceptual, pero no interacciones sociales. Defenderemos que al incluir las interacciones sociales se hace necesario modificar levemente el modelo para dar cuenta de ellas y del comportamiento que los agentes a quienes adscribimos autoengaño tienen en estas relaciones. En cada una de las secciones de este texto acudiremos a ejemplos de la literatura que sirven para presentar con claridad las características de cada caso.

There is the intuition that some emotions do not sustain a cognitively demanding reading of their representational content. However, it is not evident how to articulate that intuition—and the mere claim that the content of those emotions is not conceptual (or, alternatively, that it is non-conceptual; see, for instance, Tappolet, 2016) does not shed light on the specific way in which those emotions represent. We, therefore, develop a proposal with the aim of giving substance to the claim that emotions involve non-conceptual mental content. The thesis that we defend entails that certain emotions are intrinsically motivational, specifically that their content is action-oriented and presents the world in terms of intrinsically motivational possibilities for action. Then we delve into the way this thesis stands in regard to views according to which the essence of emotions lies in the attitude rather than in the content (Deonna & Teroni, 2012, 2015), or others in which emotions have to do with action-readiness rather than with action itself (Scarantino, 2014)—as well as in regard to doubts on the very notion of non-conceptual content. Finally, we examine some consequences deriving from the proposal (having to do with the so-called irrationality of some emotions and the notion of basic emotion, among others) and its position relative to notable approaches to emotion (cognitive, perceptual, attitudinal and motivational).