Divya Dwivedi

How can reading as an act and process be a possibility of philosophical and eco-ethical renewal? How do we theorize reading? What is our image of reading, and to what “political imaginary” does it correspond? The long history of philosophy and theory of literature manifests not just the stages of the birth of the reader as a theoretically vital element but also competing theories and typologies of reading, reminiscent of the birth of “man” and his “rights” into racializations. The term “addressee function” is proposed here to analyze the politics of reading that ensues when reading and readers become the object of theory. Which readers—according to race, caste, and gender for instance—are reflected or ignored in these theoretical images? The addressee function helps identify the hidden possibilities of theories of reading. It asks anew and finds new answers, in new situations, to the question “Why read?”

Psychoanalysis cannot be excluded from questions of psyche, health, and society in medical care and medical ethics. But can psychoanalysis be conceived as a therapeutic possibility beyond Europe? The ethics of thinking psychoanalysis beyond Europe must first confront the abnegated cartography of Europe and its beyond and do so without confining itself to the colonial moment. It must also confront the politics of the circuits that psychoanalysis has already inhabited. Such an ethic must confront caste as the continent—to indulge in the old witz—neither dark nor unconscious and yet hidden in plain sight both in Indian and European psychoanalysis. Unlike the unnameable Latin America that Derrida felt compelled in 1981 to name within psychoanalysis in the name of ethics, we will have to confront the politics of other hidden names—India, Orient, “Aryan”—that swarm around this unnamed “caste” in the history, and possibly the future, of psychoanalysis.

L'œuvre singulière plurielle de Jean-Luc Nancy a croisé presque toutes les préoccupations majeures de la philosophie - temps, être, espace, négativité, forme, image, poésie -, et a exercé une influence considérable sur de nombreux intellectuels et chercheurs du monde entier. Dans cet ouvrage, qui rassemble des articles rédigés par des philosophes et spécialistes reconnus, français et étrangers (Europe, Inde, États-Unis, Japon, Brésil, Chili, Égypte), les auteurs rendent hommage à Nancy pour son amitié et sa pensée. Considérant qu'une histoire particulière de la philosophie a pris fin, Nancy a montré que la philosophie peut se lever à nouveau, touchant à son éternité. Il a invité à la recommencer de manière multiple, métaphysique, post-phénoménologique, politique, littéraire et esthétique. Se souvenir de sa pensée, c'est donc recommencer ici d'une manière plurielle avec lui?; c'est relancer dans son sillage la réflexion sur la démocratie et l'art, en réassumant une approche résolument transversale, avec ce que Nancy appelait anastasis - ce qui "ne provient pas de soi" mais "vient de l'autre, ou relève de l'autre en lui?"--Back cover.

The Public Sphere from Outside the West brings together established and emerging new voices from philosophy, literature, anthropology, history, migration studies and information technology to address the present reality of the public sphere. In the age where everyone is in the public and everything is visible, this volume creates a delay in which the internet of things, mass surveillance and social media are asked "What is/not the Public?†? The essays bring to attention the formation of geo-politically and historically distinct public spheres from South Africa, India, America and Europe. Such formations are found not only in the postcolonial histories of print, photography, cinema and caricature but also those underway in the digital era, such as the Arab Spring, Occupy movements and Anonymous. Through critical engagement with philosophers such as Kant, Heidegger, Benjamin, Habermas and Arendt, the determining concepts of the Public Sphere-privacy, secrecy, reason, the people-are shown to be undergoing epistemological and practical ruptures. Demonstrating the necessity of these considerations to understand the world public that is rapidly transforming this concept in radical ways through technologies today, this is the first collection on the subject to feature an impressive range of international thinkers. Global and timely in outlook, it breaks new ground and changes our way of looking at politics in the 21st century.

In the fight against racism, philosophy has to interrogate caste in its own histories and current decolonial consensus. Caste has been evading its interrogation as the oldest race theory and racist practice, which continue to oppress the lower-caste peoples who constitute the majority population of the Indian subcontinent. Caste and race are species of the hypophysics of man, which consecrates scaled intrinsic value in human nature through the notion of “being born as” by “being born to.” They are analogues in having the same denigrate-dominate function of exploiting by including as born inferior. However, caste and race are also homologues since the hypophysics of caste has been at the origins of the hypophysics of race from at least the eighteenth century, culminating in the “Aryan doctrine” of the Nazis, now being revived. Caste was the empirical, conceptual, and textual resource for Europeans as it showed that large groups could be dominated as well as excluded through the self-designated superiority, supplied by the Brahminical texts, of the oppressing group. Rather than a colonial construct, caste is the oldest racism, which in colonial times devised new calypsologies—ways to mask itself against rising anticaste thought and politics. Postcolonial and subaltern theories disguise caste’s racism as “religion,” “culture,” and subaltern subjectivity, while some sociologists have denigrated Dalit scholarship as unacademic and emotional. The homologies of caste are still dangerously regnant today.

Is there a philosophical nationalism? Reading Fichte’s Addresses to the German Nation and its use by the Nazis, Derrida concluded that all nationalisms are philosophical and onto-theological as they are posited beyond race, biology, and nature. However, Fichte’s text reveals a specific form of racism that insists on biology and nature. Fichte’s racism is a species of “hypophysics,” a consecration of nature as value. His theory of language is simultaneously biological and spiritual, these two aspects flowing from a single geistige Naturgesetz (spiritual-natural-law) and determining the hypophysical unity of language, community and “philosophy” (as he defined it). The logic of such a hypophysics is misrecognized and left unaddressed in the conventional categories of “naturalism” and “biologism.” Further, hypophysical-logic is not onto-theo-logic (in Heidegger’s definition). This imposes new questions for the history and future of philosophy: how does hypophysics enter philosophy; can there be philosophy without hypophysics and its attendant racisms?

Freud’s late works established the schema of a more or less inexorable civilizational course built around one drive—the death drive—despite his emphatic insistence on a dual structure of two drives. This schema became influential for Critical Theory and in a more subterranean way, also for decolonial thought, and has been widely invoked during the pandemic. It indicates the extent to which drive, destruction, and mastery have consolidated into a, which not only fails to be dislodged by but even informs Derrida’s readings of Freud. Instead, we have to be attentive to the play of homology in Freud as of life, psyche, and civilization, as archaic inheritance. Freudian homology distinguishes itself from what Derrida called “genealogical drive.” The Freudian assumptions in this regard need to be addressed in a step beyond which works with a concept of origin—as its own interruption—that can neither comprehend nor deconstruct the concept of origin as a single and perpetually active homological power as is to be found in Freud.

Nearly two years on, the experiences and trajectories of the pandemic across the world have confirmed that it has been in the grasp of a systemic malaise, ‘_le mal’_. Everywhere evil is as a viral condition: in the etymological sense of a poison and in the media-theoretical sense, in its uncontrollable spread, of a contagion. It is time to revaluate the concept of evil, raising it as perhaps the only term through which philosophy can reflect on the pandemic. This collection contains responses from moral and political philosophy, epistemology, and ontology, literary studies, theology and psychoanalysis. It is a collective meditation which takes a plural approach to the sufferings of different parts of the world, deploying a stance dedicated to place and specificity.Their distinct contributions arise from multiple traditions, with voices from within and beyond the “western” canon. The eighteen mediations decline the temptation to isolate the pandemic as a simple great event, equal across the globe that it continues to devastate. Instead, like the witches of Macbeth, they come together as a gathering to speak of this state of evil, for it is our own condition. They explore the hesitating question, which yet confesses a terrifying suspicion: is it possible to speak of evil in the time of the pandemic?

Gandhi’s notion of passive-resistance is critical in two ways and defines swaraj and swadeshi, leading to his assertion that India alone is the land of redemption for the world afflicted with modern civilization, “the sheet-anchor of our hope”. “Sound at the foundation”, “India remains as it was before”, while the world speeds on, “usurp[ing] the function of Godhead” and indulg[ing] in novel experiments”. This paper aims at elaborating Gandhi’s definition of nature in terms of the scalar, speed, as found in Hind Swaraj and other writings in order to demonstrate that India as hind swaraj is critical nation.