Francisco Bastitta-Harriet

El presente trabajo se propone rastrear la influencia de la tradición platónica Acerca de los primeros principios, en sus diversas formulaciones, sobre la filosofía de Orígenes de Alejandría. La lectura origeniana de los autores platónicos y su afinidad con ellos se confirman en las fuentes históricas. El alejandrino adopta y asimila numerosos aspectos de la doctrina y la terminología de los seguidores de Platón. Sin embargo, también toma distancia de ellos en algunos puntos neurálgicos de su concepción de lo divino y de la creación del mundo. Se analizan especialmente los papeles que cumplen en la teoría origeniana las categorías académicas de lo absoluto y lo relativo, la noción mesoplatónica y filoniana del agente demiúrgico y una original adaptación del esquema causal derivativo neopitagórico. The present paper intends to trace the influence of the Platonic tradition On first principles;, considering its different versions, on the philosophy of Origen of Alexandria. Origen's knowledge of the Platonists and his affinity with them are confirmed by the historical sources. The Alexandrian adopts and assimilates many aspects of the doctrine and terminology of Plato's followers. However, he also departs from them regarding some of the essential elements in his conception of the divine and of the world's creation. Particularly, the paper focuses on the roles played in Origen's theory by the Academic categories of absolute and relative, the Middle-platonic and Philonian notion of the demiurgic agent and an original reframing of the Neopythagorean derivative system of causes

Gregory of Nyssa’s treatise 'De opificio hominis' was one of the only Greek anthropological texts translated into latin during the early Middle Ages, by Dionysius Exiguus between the late 5th and early 6th centuries and by John Scotus Eriugena in the 9th century. Nicholas of Cusa certainly became acquainted with this work indirectly through the extensive citations in Eriugena’s 'Periphyseon' and through their partial reproduction in the 'Clavis physicae' of Honorius Augustodunensis. Our paper will analyse these and other possible ways of reception –both direct and indirect– of Gregory's text by Cusanus, as well as the influence of certain philosophical themes of Nyssen’s anthropology in his thought, such as the conception of the 'imago Dei', of its ‘living’ character and its simplicity, the incomprehensibility of human intellect or mind (noûs) and theories regarding human free will and man as microcosm.

El presente trabajo se concentra en el debate acerca de los alcances de la providencia que tuvo lugar entre las escuelas estoica, platónica y peripatética entre las siglos I y III de nuestra era. En ese contexto, analiza el problema del status ontológico de los singulares en Orígenes de Alejandría y Nemesio de Émesa. Influidos primariamente por la síntesis filoniana entre las distintas teorías griegas de providencia y la de las Escrituras, estos autores fundan la consistencia de los singulares en la tesis de una acción directa del principio divino sobre cada uno de ellos. Frente a una cierta tendencia universalista y necesitarista del pensamiento clásico, los Padres griegos intentaron rescatar el valor metafísico del individuo en cuanto tal. The present paper focuses on the debate over the scope of Providence that took place among the Stoic, Platonic and Peripatetic schools between the first and the third centuries AD. In that context, it deals with the problem of the ontological status of the singulars in the thought of Origen of Alexandria and Nemesius of Emesa. Influenced primarily by the Philonian synthesis of the different Greek theories of Providence with that of the Scriptures, Origen and Nemesius ground the consistency of individual beings on the thesis of a direct divine action intended for each of them. Faced with the universalistic and necessitarian tendencies of classical thought, the Greek Fathers tried to rescue the metaphysical value of individuals as such.

The trends of Platonism which proved to be the most influential throughout the Renaissance were born roughly around the same period as the Greek corpus attributed to the Egyptian sage Hermes Trismegistus. They resulted from the rich intermingling of Greek philosophy with other Near Eastern cultures since the time of Alexander the Great. It is not by chance, then, that their fortunes were bound together until the Early Modern period. Legend has it that Cosimo de’ Medici was highly impressed by the Platonic wisdom of the Greek émigrés visiting Florence in 1439, during the Council of Union between the Eastern and Western Churches, and particularly by the eminent philosopher George Gemistos Plethon. More than twenty years later, Cosimo entrusted a young Marsilio Ficino with the task of translating into Latin a Greek manuscript of Plato’s dialogues, possibly bequeathed by the Byzantine emperor, if not by Plethon himself. Before completing his rendering of the first series of ten dialogues, Ficino presented his elderly patron with the Pimander, a translation of fifteen Greek treatises on theology and occult lore by the “thrice greatest” Mercury or Hermes, believed to be the first in a venerable tradition of ancient sages which culminated in Plato. Certainly, these and similar newly recovered collections helped to shape and enrich the intellectual life of the emergent Renaissance. Their novelty and relevance, however, tended to be overstated in some historiographical perspectives. Fortunately, profound critical studies of the various sources from the Platonic, Neoplatonic, and Hermetic traditions have multiplied since the 19th century, gradually providing a clearer picture of the extent and nature of their influence on Renaissance and Early Modern scholars. Some of the most interesting topics discussed currently regard the lines of continuity between the medieval and Renaissance receptions of Platonism and Hermetism. Indeed, the Latin, Arabic, Hebrew, and Byzantine Middle Ages offer an immense repository of Platonic and Hermetic wisdom to Renaissance humanists and philosophers, which includes new theoretical and practical approaches, interpretative methods, translations, and commentaries. Only after elucidating these elements of continuity and change can one adequately ponder the distinctive character and originality of Renaissance Platonists and Hermeticists. Another hotly debated issue since Lynn Thorndike’s pioneering studies is the role of these ancient and medieval traditions in the development of experimental sciences and the emergence of the scientific revolution around the 16th and 17th centuries.

In the Philosophical Anthropology of Gregory of Nyssa, inspired by his Trinitarian Theology, the new concept of hypostasis as a unique self implies for the first time the irreducibility of human person to the universal. Moreover, Gregory manages to account for both a deep communion of life and nature among all men and a clear distinction between persons, in a truly harmonious dynamism of the physical and the hypostatic. This union and distinction will also inspire his original conception of proaíresis, which will express the unique character of each person in the community of nature. Difference and creativity are two of its main features.

Pseudo-Hermes Trismegistus, On the Six Principles of Things. A Medieval World System. Bilingual Latin-Spanish edition of De sex rerum principiis, with introductory study and notes by Francisco Bastitta Harriet, Valeria Andrea Buffon and María Cecilia Rusconi. Bold in metaphysical assumptions and well-versed in contemporary scientific theories, the anonymous author of About the Six Principles of Things tries to develop an integral system of the universe. While invoking the ancestral authority of the legendary Egyptian sage Hermes Trismegistus, the present treatise was actually written in the 12th century from various Arab and Latin sources, possibly in the School of Chartres. The previous hermetic tradition expressed a certain tension between works of a more philosophical or sapiential character, destined for intellectual elites, and other texts of a practical nature, mainly on astrology, alchemy or magic, which enjoyed less prestige among scholars. Our book clearly tries to bridge the gap between these two trends, in search for a true unification of knowledge. Not only does it present systematically the principles of the universe together with worldly prescriptions, on such matters as astrological medicine or the use of the astrolabe, but it carries this out with the aim of offering a maximum condensation of all the wisdom of its time.

The peculiar emphases of Gregory of Nyssa’s thought earned him all kinds of charges, in his own lifetime and onwards: among others, that he falls into Tritheism, Modalism, Synergism, Pelagianism or Semi-Pelagianism. The purpose of this paper is to interpret one of these theoretical audacities. It can be found in a passage from his late treatise De vita Moysis (II 86), where he refers to the evils suffered by the Egyptians in the book of Exodus, and he attributes their cause to human decision (proaíresis). He affirms there that Divine Justice itself ‘is consequent’ or ‘follows’ (epakolouthoûsa) human decisions according to their merit. Although at this point Gregory follows closely Origen’s exegesis – which tried to rebut the determinism of certain Gnostic schools by affirming the true self-government of the soul, even regarding salvation or damnation, he goes beyond his Alexandrian predecessor and his Greek sources concerning the real autonomy of human actions, in interpersonal correspondence between the human and the divine.

This paper analyses the theme of human greatness in Gregory of Nyssa’s In Canticum canticorum and De opificio hominis and its reception in 15th century Italy. While interpreting the phrase of the Song of Songs 1,8: “If you do not know yourself, O beautiful one among women, go forth in the footsteps of the flocks and tend the kids by the flocks’ tents”, Gregory resumes the optimistic anthropological motifs of his earliest and most renowned exegetical treatise, De opificio hominis, completed around 379. Interestingly, more than a thousand years later, this praise of human greatness reappears conspicuously in a number of humanists of the Italian Quattrocento, many of whom had gotten in touch with Nyssen’s Greek manuscripts and their medieval translations. Gregory’s synthesis between rigorous thought and elegance of speech captivates Florentine scholars throughout the century, and this tendency culminates in Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and the so-called Platonic Academy.

In the mid-twentieth century, Jérome Gaïth drew attention to the possible influence of Plotinus’ Enneads VI 8 (39) on Gregory of Nyssa’s theory of Divine will. In this treatise, despite being aware of the inappropriateness of all language to describe the One, Plotinus ascribes to it the classical traits of human action: will, freedom, self-determination, though raised to an absolute degree. In the present study we will analyse the reception and transformation of this theory in Nyssen and its anthropological corollaries, in which he extends the virtuality of human freedom to an ontological level. Resumen: A mediados del siglo XX, Jérome Gaïth señalaba la posible influencia de Enéadas VI 8 (39) de Plotino sobre la teoría de la voluntad divina de Gregorio de Nisa. En ese tratado, a pesar de ser consciente de la impropiedad de todo lenguaje para describir lo Uno, Plotino le atribuye los clásicos distintivos del obrar humano: voluntad, libertad, autodeterminación, aunque elevados al grado absoluto. En el presente estudio analizaremos la recepción y transformación de esta teoría en el Niseno y sus corolarios antropológicos, en los que extiende la virtualidad de la libertad humana al plano ontológico.

In light of new textual evidence in a manuscript from Toledo (BCT, MS 19, 26), the present work intends to determine the scope of Nicholas de Cusa’s influence on Giovanni Pico della Mirandola around the problem of the unity of truth and the diversity of philosophies. In his Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der Renaissance (1927), Ernst Cassirer held the capital role of Cusanus’ philosophy in the configuration of the philosophical turn in Florentine Humanism during the second half of the Quattrocento. In the 1960s, historians of the stature of Eugenio Garin and Paul Oskar Kristeller objected Cassirer's assertions, going so far as to affirm that there was practically no influence by Cusanus on Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico. In the case of the latter, more recent studies tended to balance the issue, pointing out several possible links between both authors, particularly through the physician and bibliophile Pierleone da Spoleto, who owned many works by the German cardinal. Some sections of Pico's Oratio, Conclusiones and other texts will be analyzed in comparison with those treatises by Cusanus which he most likely knew. For both authors, it is the unity of the incomprehensible truth that brings forth the different modes of philosophizing in the plurality of thought traditions. Resumen: A la luz de nuevas evidencias textuales en un manuscrito de Toledo (BCT, MS 19, 26), el presente trabajo se propone investigar los alcances de la influencia de Nicolás de Cusa sobre Giovanni Pico della Mirandola en torno del problema de la unidad de la verdad y la diversidad de las filosofías. En su obra de 1927, Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der Renaissance, Ernst Cassirer sostenía el rol capital de la filosofía de Nicolás de Cusa en la configuración del humanismo filosófico florentino de la segunda mitad del Quattrocento. En la década del 60, historiadores de la talla de Eugenio Garin y Paul Oskar Kristeller matizaron las afirmaciones de Cassirer hasta afirmar una influencia prácticamente nula del Cusano sobre Marsilio Ficino y Giovanni Pico. En el caso de este último, estudios más recientes tendieron a equilibrar la cuestión, señalando varios posibles puntos de contacto entre ambos autores, particularmente por intermedio del médico y bibliófilo Pierleone da Spoleto, que poseía muchas obras del cardenal alemán. Se analizarán algunas secciones de la Oratio, de las Conclusiones y de otros textos de Pico en comparación con aquellos tratados del Cusano que muy probablemente haya conocido. Para ambos autores, es la unidad de la incomprensible verdad la que suscita los diversos modos del filosofar en la pluralidad de tradiciones de pensamiento.

Los dos autores del círculo florentino cuya obra analizaremos, Marsilio Ficino y Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, frecuentan y asimilan las doctrinas atribuidas al sabio egipcio Hermes Trismegisto como las enseñanzas de uno de los iniciadores de la piadosa filosofía de los antiguos, la prisca theologia. Soñada e inaugurada por Cosimo el viejo, en la así llamada Academia florecían los estudios humanísticos, filosóficos y esotéricos, con la participación de otros célebres intelectuales florentinos como Angelo Poliziano, Cristoforo Landino, los hermanos Benivieni y el propio Lorenzo. Puede decirse que tanto Ficino como Pico incorporan a su pensamiento los enigmáticos libros de Hermes bajo la luz de la filosofía platónica, en especial la de los sistemas cosmológicos y metafísicos que encuentran en Plotino, en Jámblico y en Proclo. Sin embargo, sus perspectivas respecto a aquellas venerables doctrinas y los intereses académicos que los vuelcan a ellas difieren considerablemente y se encuentran muchas veces en oposición a lo largo de su mutua e intensa colaboración intelectual.

In the midst of the renewed interest of philosophers and scholars in Classical Antiquity, the Italian Quattrocento bears testimony to the discovery, study and translation of many works from the Greek Patristic tradition, which nurture the humanists’ desire for a Poetic Theology and a new Anthropology. In that context, some of Gregory of Nyssa’s texts that had remained unknown to the West during the Medieval period receive their first Latin translations, made by prominent representatives of the Italian and Byzantine cultures. Arrived in Calabria early in the XVth century, the monk Athanasius Chalkéopoulos, who became bishop of Gerace and a close collaborator in the Roman Academy of Bessarion, translates Nyssen’s De oratione dominica and dedicates it to Pope Paul II. We present a critical edition of his version in this same volume. Here we will analyse the way in which the Byzantine translator pours into Latin the most interesting anthropological passages of Gregory of Nyssa’s homilies, which contain themes very dear to Renaissance humanists. Based on numerous conceptual affinities and on the marginal annotations to an Italian autograph copy by Chalkéopoulos himself, today at the National Library of Madrid, we will consider the possible reception of Gregory’s treatise by the count Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, on such topics as assimilation to God and spiritual ascent, freedom from necessity and the creativity of free choice, the nature of human conflicts and their inner pacification, the problem of evil and the image of the serpent.

The purpose of this paper is to explore Eckhart’s possible reception of Gregory of Nyssa’s anthropology, whose radical theory of the divine image reached the West probably since the times of Ambrose of Milan. Subsequently, Gregory’s De opificio hominis became widely known by means of two different Latin versions, one by the great canonist Dionysius Exiguus in the 6th century and another by the Carolingian philosopher Eriugena in the 9th century, who quoted his version extensively in the Periphyseon. But since there seem to be no obvious direct links between Gregory of Nyssa’s De opificio hominis and Eckhart’s texts, I will be analysing and comparing some of the main elements in their respective interpretations of the divine image in humanity, trying to identify and account for some of their notorious philosophical and terminological parallels. We will begin with the idea of an unmediated relationship between the divine archetype and the human image, which hence implies for both authors a sort of self-portrait of God, of his own form and activity. Next, I will point out their associations of the divine image with the intellect and their uses of the dynamic metaphor of the mirror. Finally, I will compare their understandings of the ratio imaginis, that is, the true significance of the biblical dictum of the ‘image of God’, to what extent the image is equal to its divine model and in what sense it differs from it. However indirect Gregory’s influence might have been, I believe it could help us understand some of the most intriguing aspects of Eckhart’s concept of bild or imago.

This book explores the invention, significance and actual history of self-creative freedom from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance. Gregory of Nyssa, the great Cappadocian Father of the IV century, is not as yet deemed one of the outstanding figures in our Histories of Philosophy. However, this monograph argues that his remarkable theories of freedom transcend his own time and, traversing centuries of Medieval and Byzantine history, they become one of the core theoretical inspirations for the anthropological revolution of the Quattrocento, as evinced in eminent philosophers such as Nicholas of Cusa and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola.

This article intends to analyse philosophically the theory of compassion and its practical corollaries in Gregory of Nyssa’s fifth homily on the Beatitudes, particularly in its first section. The author tries to assimilate the Jewish and Christian biblical tradition with the classical conception of the Greeks, and for that he challenges some of the main assumptions of the Platonist, Peripatetic and Stoic philosophical schools. Gregory describes compassion as a fundamental human attitude that springs from love and is capable of transforming the framework of society by restoring equality, justice and communion among human beings. Beginning with the traditional Greek understanding of ἔλεος, with all its rich literary references, philosophical significance and dramatic power, Nyssen slowly pours it into the mould of the Judeo-Christian language of mercy and love, more intimate, more far-reaching, filled with the zeal for justice and redemption. The result is a profound, theoretically complex and socially challenging speculation. From a private emotion to a bond of communion, from a passive reaction to an active and free commitment, from a disordered passion to the highest of human virtues, from requiring social distance to erasing all differences of dignity and honour, from being restricted to those around us to reaching out towards each and every human being: compassion truly emerges in a new form.

As in the case of other humanists and philosophers of the period, an important aspect of Pico della Mirandola's interpretation of the Platonic Timaeus consists of direct access to the dialogue in its original Greek, which the young man possessed in his personal library. This does not mean that Pico does not also take an interest in the ancient Latin translations of Cicero and Calcidius, both personally and in Ficino's circle. But these are read with the critical distance and the historical and philological rigour of the period. Plato's cosmology, his theory of first principles, of the structure of the cosmos and of human nature, are read by Pico in dialogue, in contrast and in hidden coincidence with the Aristotelian system of the universe, but also alongside the conceptions of the world and of humankind of other Jewish, Christian, Neoplatonic, Arabic, Hermetic and Kabbalistic authors and texts. Demonstrating the confluence of all these systems with biblical revelation is particularly pressing for Pico, who knows himself to be the heir of the Greek and Latin patristic authors. Nevertheless, the pagan philosophical tradition occupies a privileged place in the exegetical lenses of Pico, who has recourse on countless occasions to the Commentary on the Timaeus of Proclus and to the exegeses of Plutarch, Porphyry, Iamblichus, Emperor Julian and Simplicius, not forgetting the allegedly ancient Pythagorean Timaeus of Locri and Ocellus Lucanus. The chapter offers, in addition to an introduction to Pico's figure and oeuvre, an analysis of his reception of the Timaeus and a trilingual edition (Latin-Spanish, Tuscan-Spanish) with some of the central passages of his works.

In Classical Greece, the philosophical consideration of human love reaches unimagined heights in the Platonic Dialogues. Eros is described both as the uniting force of Ancient Medicine and pre-Socratic Cosmology, and as the sacred impulse towards the Beautiful and the Good, towards the perfection of the Divine. The reflection of the Greek Patristic authors assimilates this concept of love and its Peripatetic, Stoic and Neoplatonic variations, but seriously rethinks some of their implications. The Judeo-Christian view of human and divine love, expressed in the Song of Songs, the Johannine writings and the Pauline Epistles, leads the Fathers to question some of the aspects of Ancient Ethics: a certain theory of individualistic autonomy, the absolute predominance of the intellect and theory of Fate. By the end of the Fourth Century, Gregory of Nyssa coined the phrase ‘Ríza katà tèn agápen’ (root of love) to express the fullness of the virtuous and mystical life. This life is enhanced, according to Nyssen, not only by an endogenous and necessary movement towards perfection, but also and primarily by the interpersonal dynamics of love, of the gift and the free response. Augustine also uses the notion of radix dilectionis as an evolution of his own ethical theory in the early decades of the Fifth Century, in the midst of his disputes with Donatists and Pelagians. Written between 413 and 418, the Tractatus in epistolam Ioannis is one of the most celebrated treatises on love in the Latin Patristic tradition. Augustine redefines the concept of Moral Goodness in the context of a personal encounter of the human and the Divine, as a fruit that emerges from the inner root of love.

Sabido es que Michel Foucault, en sus lecciones acerca de La hermenéutica del sujeto, postula que el ideal clásico del ´cuidado de sí mismo´ entra en crisis con el cristianismo de los siglos III y IV, dando lugar al precepto de la renuncia a uno mismo como vía hacia la salvación. El filósofo francés menciona como claro ejemplo de este viraje fundamental la preferencia por el celibato en lugar del matrimonio en el De virginitate de Gregorio de Nisa, uno de los autores que analizaremos. El propósito de este breve trabajo es verificar la validez de este juicio de Foucault en algunos de los autores del período mencionado. En particular, nos detendremos en la exégesis que Orígenes y Gregorio de Nisa hacen del versículo del Cantar de los cantares 1, 8: "Si no te has conocido a ti misma, bella entre las mujeres, sal tras las huellas de los rebaños y pastorea a tus niños en las tiendas de los pastores".

This chapter provides a general introduction to the Italian Renaissance and its reception of Plato's cosmology, with special emphasis on the manuscript tradition, the new translations and commentaries on the Timaeus and their impact on philosophical and scientific discussions. En el presente capítulo se ofrece una introducción general el período del Renacimiento italiano y a su recepción de la cosmología de Platón, con especial énfasis en la tradición manuscrita, las nuevas traducciones y comentarios al Timeo y sus repercusiones en las discusiones filosóficas y científicas.