Giacomo Maria Arrigo

In "Tre memoriali sulla questione francese" Edmund Burke prosegue la sua polemica con la Rivoluzione francese. I tre memoriali, datati rispettivamente 1791, 1792 e 1793 ma resi pubblici postumi nel 1797, rappresentano un’energica esortazione di Burke rivolta al governo inglese per contrastare l’immobilismo del primo ministro William Pitt il Giovane ed entrare così in guerra contro la Francia rivoluzionaria. Nel primo memoriale è contenuta la celebre espressione «It is a Revolution of doctrine and theoretick dogma». Due gli argomenti principali degli scritti: la natura filosofica dell’esperienza rivoluzionaria e il nefasto ruolo geopolitico della Francia per il continente europeo. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di Giacomo Maria Arrigo.

Il deismo unisce all’attestazione di una “religione naturale” e alla difesa della tolleranza religiosa la critica all’autorità ecclesiastica e il rifiuto di ogni rivelazione divina, secondo un orientamento metodologico di chiara matrice lockiana. Tutti aspetti rinvenibili in questo libro in cui sono tradotti per la prima volta in italiano due pamphlet di Anthony Collins, seguiti in Appendice dalle lettere che John Locke gli scrisse a testimonianza della profonda amicizia tra i due. Il primo, Difesa degli attributi divini, tratta il problema del male proponendo un’etica deista contrapposta alle soluzioni oscure e contraddittorie degli uomini di Chiesa. Il secondo, Il perfetto inganno del clericalismo, colpisce la tradizione in genere, ricostruendo la presunta contraffazione di una clausola dei Trentanove Articoli di religione – le basi dottrinali della confessione anglicana. Si delinea la possibilità di ricostruire sulla base della ragione una teologia laica e una vera religione.

La rivoluzione arginata è un'opera misteriosa. Si tratta della traduzione di un discorso parlamentare di Edmund Burke che, come recita il frontespizio, è stato «per la prima volta italianizzato». Da chi, però, non è dato saperlo. Pubblicato nel 1798, fin da subito l'opuscolo di appena 32 pagine è avvolto da un fitto mistero: il traduttore è anonimo, sicché è un enigma anche il motivo della stessa operazione editoriale. Si sa solo che il tipografo è Francesco Andreola e che la città della stampa è Venezia. Altri dettagli sono oscuri e, presumibilmente, ormai perduti per sempre. Non è perduta però l'opera in sé, ancora rinvenibile in qualche biblioteca e qui per la prima volta digitalizzata.

Nel corso della sua vita intellettuale Edmund Burke ha elaborato una filosofia di difficile classificazione, dove elementi aristotelici e tomisti si uniscono ad argomenti giuridici legati alla tradizione inglese del common law e a teorizzazioni giusnaturalistiche sullo stato di natura e sul contratto sociale. Il volume racchiude tre rilevanti lavori di Burke: Discorso sulla rappresentanza dei Comuni in Parlamento (1782), Lettera a un membro dell’Assemblea Nazionale (1791) e Lettera a William Elliot (1795). Il Discorso contiene la sua più chiara esposizione del principio della prescrizione, trattando quindi del ruolo normativo della tradizione. La prima Lettera rappresenta la più estesa invettiva di Burke contro Jean-Jacques Rousseau, da lui considerato il padrino della Rivoluzione francese. La seconda Lettera è un’esortazione affinché venga suscitato quello che egli chiama un “nuovo spirito repubblicano”, un principio morale e politico alternativo all’entusiasmo rivoluzionario francese. Introduzione, traduzione, note e apparati di Giacomo Maria Arrigo.

Edmund Burke grounds politics and the state over the pre-political network of moral relations, starting from the family, evolving, through the village, the parish and the town, up to the class and corporation, finally arriving to the nation. These subordinate affections can be geometrically imagined as expanding circles of belonging and, though strictly linked to the state, they are not reducible to it, nor can the state replace them. In Burke’s vision, the state of civil society is humankind’s state of nature, for the reason that man is always, and since ever, a member of a community: we are from somewhere, Burke seems to suggest. Thus, politics is grounded in morality, and morality, in turn, is based on God’s will, which within history takes the form of natural law. The French Revolution, on the contrary, has broken the spontaneity of interactions between individuals and intermediate groups, eventually establishing the Terror.

Edmund Burke grounds politics and the state over the pre-political network of moral relations, starting from the family, evolving, through the village, the parish and the town, up to the class and corporation, finally arriving to the nation. These subordinate affections can be geometrically imagined as expanding circles of belonging and, though strictly linked to the state, they are not reducible to it, nor can the state replace them. In Burke’s vision, the state of civil society is humankind’s state of nature, for the reason that man is always, and since ever, a member of a community: we are from somewhere, Burke seems to suggest. Thus, politics is grounded in morality, and morality, in turn, is based on God’s will, which within history takes the form of natural law. The French Revolution, on the contrary, has broken the spontaneity of interactions between individuals and intermediate groups, eventually establishing the Terror.

Edmund Burke, known for his full condemnation of the French Revolution, has ascribed to the French philosophes the making of that turn of mind which eventually created the conditions for the total subversion of France. This paper aims at investigating Burke’s interpretation of Rous- seau: in fact, him he considers to be the father of that disposition – which he calls vanity – that has inflamed the spirits of an entire population. «A silent revolution in the moral world preceded the political, and prepared it», Burke writes. Hence, by delving into A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly (1791), known to be Burke’s most extensive critique of Rousseau’s thought, and by constantly referring to his broader intellectual production, this paper tackles the question on the charges Burke imputes to Rousseau in fermenting that very disposition of mind which prepared the ground for the Revolution. Not political doctrines, but examples derived from Rousseau’s very life and his proper pedagogic reflections, according to Burke, have had the great- est responsibility in shaping the revolutionary mind.

This book explores the radical Islamist mindset by adopting the philosophical category of revolutionary Gnosticism. Already used for the study of other revolutionary phenomena such as Nazism, Bolshevism and Jacobinism, never before has this notion been adopted in relation to Salafi -Jihadism, the latest existing revolutionary ideology. The consistency of Salafi -Jihadism with revolutionary Gnosticism reveals a conception of the world that stands in the forgetfulness of a pure transcendent dimension, notwithstanding the apparent spiritual framework and religious justifications that jihadists provide. Through the examination of Islamist sermons and texts in light of a distinct philosophical tradition, this book investigates the activist redemptive effort of Salafi -Jihadism, which leaves God without a clear possibility of intervening in human affairs.

Edmund Burke’s political philosophy is generally known as the theoretical foundation of Western conservatism. In his intellectual elaboration, society is an organic complex organized in many stratified social classes. But who has the right to lead the community towards the common good? Burke’s answer to that question is: the natural aristocracy. Being the society «a clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society» – so writes Burke –, all creatures are «each in their appointed place». And the group destined to lead the whole is represented by the natural aristocracy. However, this aristocracy shouldn’t be entirely confused with the big landowners and with the traditional nobility; rather, Burke’s vision is founded over a classical concept based on virtue and wisdom, and the natural aristocrats are described as «those who are virtute et honore majores». Hence, the aristocracy of birth and wealth is only a part of it — and every civil society will develop a natural aristocracy, or else fall into chaos and subversion.

The present article seeks to study in detail the ideology of Salafism-Jihadism, presenting a synthesis of the system of thought that lies behind the militants of al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, listing its main characteristics and framing it in terms of a modern experience. The account of valuable academic scholars such as Quintan Wiktorowicz, Roel Meijer, Thomas Hegghammer and Shiraz Maher will be taken into consideration. As the paper shows, the effort to isolate a pure Salafi-Jihadi ideological core is a nev- er-ending work, especially because of the complex and multifaceted jihadi galaxy and the struggle for power and leadership between the various militant groups, among all al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. Nevertheless, the identity of Salafi-Jihadism as a revolution- ary soteriology is the starting point for any further research: in fact, revolution and salvation combine together in this explosive ideological construction that should be challenged not solely by military actions but also, and even more, by intellectual and cultural disputes.

Revolutionary Gnosticism is a religious–philo- sophical category introduced in the academic debate by the philosopher Eric Voegelin (1901–1985). Starting from his important work, several philosophers and sociologists have adopted Gnosticism as a useful explanatory notion to frame and define numerous modern and contemporary political and cultural movements. The immanentization of the eschaton, which is a renowned Voegelian expression, intimately defines the politico–cultural project of revolutionary Gnosticism. The destruction of the past for the creation of a new world, the last aeon, demarcates the vision of history of revolutionary Gnosticism. Hence, according to a similar Weltanschauung, man replaces God, giving birth to «the idea of a transfiguration of mankind through a process of auto–redemption (grace replaced by revolution)» (Augusto Del Noce). The paper aims to investigate in broad terms the vast time span in which the concept of rev- olutionary Gnosticism has taken shape, from ancient Gnosis to Late Middle Ages, through seventeenth century Puritanism and Jacobinism, until twentieth–century totalitarianisms, eventually suggesting further lines of research. The present study intends to suggest a new interpretation for politico–revolutionary phenomena that have emerged in the whole West and in all epochs, with the purpose of finding a recurrent pattern that reflects one of the most disruptive intellectual engine for radical politics.

La riflessione filosofica di Eric Voegelin sembra possedere una certa forza teorica per far fronte speculativamente alla metanarrazione islamista, specialmente nella versione del salafismo-jihadismo di marca qaedista e pseudo-califfale. Il concetto di religione politica sviluppato da Voegelin nella giovinezza, già applicato all’islamismo da diversi pensatori, risulta però inadeguato, essendo stato peraltro rigettato dallo stesso Voegelin per la sua vaghezza. Pertanto, seguendo l’itinerario voegeliano abbiamo recuperato le tre componenti che vivificano la nozione (rivisitata) di religione politica – la componente metastatica, apocalittica e gnostica –, concetti sviluppati da un Voegelin ormai maturo, e li abbiamo applicati al salafismo- jihadismo, ottenendo come risultato quello di rendere maggiormente intelligibile il fenomeno islamista. L’Islam politico appare alfine come una religione politica a tutti gli effetti, ovverosia una degenerazione secolarizzata della fede tradizionale che confida nella violenza per mutare magicamente la natura del reale.

The Mahdi is the eschatological figure of Islam who will rule over the world at the end of time after having rid humanity of evil. During the whole Islamic history, many rulers have claimed to be the long-awaited Mahdi, thus creating the conditions for political revolutions based on prophetic statements. The present paper will study this subject as it occurs in contemporary history, first outlining such messianic character in the light of Muhammad’s revelation, then finding the different meanings of Mahdist claims (the man-oriented and the message-oriented inclinations, the Mahdi as a renewal and the Mahdi as an apocalyptic personality), finally studying different self-proclaimed Mahdis in recent history, in Africa as well as in the Middle East. The last paragraph will be dedicated to the messianic dispositions of the terroristic organization Islamic State which has deeply affected the political-revolutionary strategy adopted by the group.

The thought of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) helps to place Islamist terrorism within a certain tradition of warfare and political theory. In fact, this form of violence can be clarified by Schmitt’s theoretical endowment, as this brief paper attempts to do. The end of the legal framework of the jus publicum europaeum and the emergence of non-state actors have put into question centuries-old certainties. Schmitt’s theory could help to put order in political concepts today ideologically misused. And his opposition to any universalistic tendencies questions not only Jihadi ideology but also Western anti-terroristic rhetoric, which is equally part of the ongoing global war of annihilation feared by Schmitt during his entire life.

Il mare nostrum è un pluriverso di popoli e di lingue, un mare su cui si affacciano tre continenti e tre religioni monoteistiche, oltre a tutto quello che resta delle più antiche credenze politeiste e a tutto quello che si è aggiunto con le postmoderne adesioni ai culti più disparati, miscre- denza diffusa compresa, opzione peraltro già sempre presente in tutti i contesti. Oggi questo mare è teatro drammatico di vicende che scuotono la coscienza del mondo civile e allo stesso tempo dividono l’opinione pubblica europea, mentre in passato il discorso soffriva per la sua stessa verbosità: il sole e il mare, il vento e le onde, le mete turistiche e i viaggi hanno condensato a lungo una vera retorica del Mediterraneo, forse anche per camuffarne la marginalità ormai conclamata.

«The world is about to get rid of morality, becoming total organization that is total destruction. Progress tends to culminate in a catastrophe». This few words sum up the fears of the late Horkheimer, who is increasingly worried about the effects of the dialectic of enlightenment. The fatal outcome of such dialectic has led the world to the brink of annihilation. According to Horkheimer, the root of the dialectic of enlightenment is an instrumental reason tending to the dominion (the dominion of man over nature and the dominion of man over man). With his theoretical production, Horkheimer has tried to prevent the disastrous effects of this instrumental reason, ending up framing the longing for the Totally Other. In our opinion, the Totally Other plays an anti-dialectic function over enlightenment, having the triple meaning of transcendence as other than immanence; of utopia as an other society than the present one; and of an other reason than the instrumental reason, as a promise of a thought that is not anymore allied to the dominion. A new interpretation of the Totally Other would free its critical power, and it would be a “negative” attempt (in the sense of negative theology) to prevent the catastrophe towards which we all are pushed by what Horkheimer calls the immanent logic of history.