John S. Sanni

The desire for dignity informs an individual’s daily activities. Human beings, driven by a universal desire to be recognised and to be seen as dignified people within a society, conduct their actions according to values that are considered dignified. Society informs our disposition toward the dignity of one another. This evokes the question of the true nature of dignity: what is dignity? This chapter seeks to explore and engage with the question of the nature of dignity in African society, drawing on African philosophers’ conceptions of human dignity in personhood within moderate and strict communitarian positions. Is dignity an intrinsic or an instrumental value? Can dignity be both an instrumental and an intrinsic value? These distinctions are very important in moral theory. Is dignity value in itself (an end in itself) or instrumental value (means to an end) or both? Responses to these questions shed light on African conceptions of dignity.

ABSTRACT In an attempt to formulate an African phenomenological method, this article engages with existing African philosophical schools, namely particularism, universalism and eclecticism. I will explore how the positions advanced in these schools, valid in their own rights, are at the same time potentially absolutist and thus in need of reformulation. I will also test my theoretical findings by addressing the ontological implications of ontological absolutism in politics, with special reference to the situation in Cameroon and how they translate to an identity crisis. I argue that an absolutist understanding of human existence has become an integral justification for the use of violence. I then proceed to propose ways of addressing the situation by arguing that this absolutist foundation is foreign to Africa in general and Cameroon in particular, and it will only further the chaos that is already ravishing the social reality in Cameroon. While addressing the problem, the aim here is to attempt a formulation of an African phenomenological approach and to bring attention to the often-neglected phenomenological and ontological dimensions in African politics.

This article critically analyses the role religion has played in promoting silence and extortion in Africa with particular reference to Nigeria. In my philosophical analysis, African and Western literatures will guide my reflection on religion, the role it played in advancing the colonial agenda and its use in today’s African societies. This analysis seeks to present a case for the position that the colonial debris of disempowerment, injustices, manipulation, and extortion are still very much part of African society. They have only assumed new outlooks and language, thus plunging many Africans into silence in the face of what is often presented as sacred and unknown. The desired aim of this article is to present a philosophical critique of religion by comparing it with existing use of religion in Africa, especially Nigeria. Keywords: Religion, Christianity, Extortion, Silence, Nigeria, Injustice

Communitarianism has been the dominant disposition of many African scholars towards ubuntu. The nature of the concept somewhat limits how one can theorise about ubuntu. However, I argue that there is still a lot more that can be harnessed from the ubuntu concept, especially as it pertains to the ontology of radical escape. I use radical escape as an ontological character of every human being whereby to exist is to escape. In this paper, I argue that ubuntu does not provide the possibility for radical escape. The nature of escape that ubuntu provides is limited to the confines of its communitarian outlook. In this paper, I bring on board the works of Mogobe Ramose, Thaddeus Metz, Kwame Gyekye, Emmanuel Levinas, and Thomas Lear, among others, to substantiate my position. I hope to demonstrate the need to accommodate the concept of radical escape in theorising about ubuntu.

This article explores the ethical questions that arise from any theorisation on the destruction of historical monuments. Considering the fact that historical monuments do not directly inflict physical harm on people, the loss of life does not seem to be an issue. From a philosophical perspective, I argue that even though there might be no direct physical danger inflicted on individuals when a historical monument is destroyed, there are some ethical questions which require attention when dealing with the contexts. To buttress my point, I argue that historical monuments might have negative or positive impact on society, and they represent narratives that must be engage rather than erased. I will present a general view on how the destruction of historical monuments has been perceived before narrowing down to the destruction of Cecil John Rhodes’ in South Africa. I will conclude that, on historical grounds, the destruction of historical monument is wrong.

Diversity is a fact of the social world; however, it can also be a problem if it leads to the valorisation of ethnic or racial identities. The social structures that inform the problems that arise from differences are based on historical, geographical, social, political, and economic stratifications; as well as on thought paradigms that either explicitly or implicitly promote the proliferation of binaries between “us and them”. We argue that an uncritical uptake of the African philosophy of ubuntu may inadvertently support negative identity binaries. Particularly, we argue that a conception of ubuntu premised on unity is – paradoxically – in danger of fostering disunity between communities. In place of “unity”, we explore, and argue for, an interpretation of ubuntu premised on “relationality”. Specifically, we argue that “relationality” is capable of incorporating both identity and difference.

This paper seeks to address the problem of strangeness within the context of migration in Africa. I draw on historical realities that inform existing international and African discourses on migration. I hope to show that most African countries have unconsciously bought into international arguments that drive the legitimacy of building walls, visible and invisible, and the promotion of stringent migration policies that minimise the influx of African immigrants. I draw on political and philosophical positions of African thinkers like Kwame Nkrumah, among others, in my theorisation of strangeness and the need to dispel the potential negative conception of strangeness within Africa’s migration policies. I juxtapose these positions with Western political theories with the hope of emphasizing African humanism as a key conception worth considering when decolonising borders.