Juan Carlos Velasco

This chapter introduces and discusses the concepts that are in-depth articulated in the volume. International migration is presented here as a test bench where the normative limits of institutional order, its contradictions and internal tensions are examined. Migrations allows to call into question classical political categories and models. Pointing at walls and fences as tools that reproduce enormous inequalities within the globalized neo-liberal system, this chapter presents the conceptual tensions and contradictions between migration policies and global justice. We challenge the conceptualization of justice as a relationship between citizens of the same country and the State and argue that, in our globalized world, nation-state cannot constitute the basic unit of the theories of justice. We argue that an integral approach that includes the complex and interconnected forms of structural inequalities and transcends the borders of national sovereign states is required. Avoiding the methodological nationalism and the exclusionary biases that inform current migration and border control policies, this chapter finally places attention on the most marginalized subjects of the migration chain: migrant women workers. We point out the importance of addressing transnational structural inequalities and bringing social reproduction to the center of global justice theories.

Throughout his long career, Habermas has critically appropriated pragmatist motifs, borrowings that are visible in different aspects of his philosophy and, in particular, in his conception of the public sphere and democracy. This intellectual debt, especially that which Habermas owes to Dewey, has, however, been little heeded in the secondary literature on the German philosopher and sociologist's thought. This article seeks to highlight the common elements that bind the two authors together, without concealing the distance that separates them.

Civil disobedience is a widespread form of political protest used by minorities to make their voices heard in democratic societies. It is a mechanism of participation in the process of shaping public opinion, and of intervention, by via negativa, in the legislative process. In exercising it, citizens can assert their public autonomy when faced with serious decisions that, from their perspective, undermine the values on which society is based. This form of political dissidence is thus a highly valuable device in order to revitalize the participatory fundamentals of representative democracy. Keywords: civil disobedience, representative democracy, political participation, citizenship, social change, Arendt, Habermas.

The writings of Jürgen Habermas have aroused remarkable and sustained interest in Spain. They have exerted a strong intellectual influence not only in academic circles, but also among large parts of the general public, which is surprising given their complexity and rather technical nature. Spanish readers have found elements in his work that constructively echo the changes taking place in their own society and around the world. Whether one strongly agrees or vehemently disagrees with his views, Habermas has become a familiar figure in Spanish philosophy and social theory. This article presents the different contexts that have enabled the reception of his ideas, as well as the main actors whose work and thought have contributed to the spread of those ideas.

Borders delimit the spatial units in which political action takes place. They are not, however, a given object that can be assumed without further reflection. Thus, it is astonishing that until very recently the subject has not been attributed an adequate philosophical status. The border, apart from being a territorial demarcator or a line on the map, is a social construct subject to the political, economic and social conjuncture of each moment in history, and therefore subject to relevant mutations. In the current context of globalization, beyond the question of the extinction of borders or the maintenance of their functions, structural transformations have occurred that alter their material image and their practical scope. It is essential for political philosophy to take note of these changes. Las fronteras delimitan las unidades espaciales en las que se desenvuelve la acción política. No son, sin embargo, un objeto dado que pueda ser asumido sin más reflexión, por lo que resulta insólito que hasta tiempos muy recientes no se le haya otorgado al tema el suficiente rango filosófico. La frontera, además de ser un demarcador territorial o una línea en el mapa, es un constructo social sujeto a la coyuntura política, económica y social de cada momento de la historia, y sujeto, por ende, a relevantes mutaciones. En el actual contexto de la globalización, más allá de la extinción de las fronteras o del mantenimiento de sus funciones, se observan transformaciones estructurales que alteran su imagen material y su alcance práctico. Es imprescindible que la filosofía política tome nota de ello.

This article considers the extent to which the technological revolution of digital communications increases the flow of contrasted information and favors informed choices among the different alternatives and electoral offers. Common phenomena today in forums and social networks such as disinformation or the rise of forms of propaganda more typical of non-democratic systems - with little or no respect for facts and truth - do not seem to contribute to creating a favorable scenario for public deliberation and the active participation of citizens. Without deliberation and participation, it is difficult to have a quality democracy.

La imparable pérdida del poder soberano de los Estados nacionales y el correlativo afloramiento de una constelación postnacional serían dos de las grandes tendencias que, según Habermas, caracterizarían en términos políticos el actual estado de cosas en el mundo. Ante este contexto geopolítico emergente, cuyos lineamientos definitivos aún estarían por definir, Habermas perfila una posible respuesta política en clave democrática: recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita de Kant y avanzar en la juridificación de la esfera internacional. En ese horizonte, compatibilizar la necesidad de una gobernanza global de los asuntos comunes de la humanidad y las exigencias de participación democrática constituye uno de los mayores escollos a salvar. La conformación de una praxis democrática postwestfaliana en concordancia con una estructuración multinivel de las relaciones internacionales podría representar una salida plausible.

The suppression of trade barriers and liberalization of financial flows inherent to the expansive dynamic of globalization have not extended to international flows of workers. To impede the free movement of workers, restrictive migratory policies have been implemented, and borders have been fortified with walls and fences. In the face of this widespread phenomenon, this chapter presents an alternative consisting of three steps. First, it is noted that in the current migratory context, borders play a key role in reproducing inequalities between countries. Next, it is argued that given the incompatibility of this function with global justice, it is necessary to seek some remedy to put an end to the suffering caused by this structural injustice, a suffering that is endured by an immense number of people unlucky enough to have been born on the wrong side of a border. After presenting a conception of borders that, unlike walls, would enable the movements of people, finally, a scenario is proposed in which the rights of political membership would be reassigned in a cosmopolitan manner and in which borders would usually remain open. Although this does not entail a radical suppression of the aforementioned injustice, its implementation would contribute to not only its reduction but also to the compensation of victims.

The volume gathers theoretical contributions on human rights and global justice in the context of international migration. It addresses the need to reconsider human rights and the theories of justice in connection with the transformation of the social frames of reference that international migrations foster. The main goal of this collective volume is to analyze and propose principles of justice that serve to address two main challenges connected to international migrations that are analytically differentiable although inextricably linked in normative terms: to better distribute the finite resources of the planet among all its inhabitants; and to ensure the recognition of human rights in current migration policies. Due to the very nature of the debate on global justice and the implementation of human rights and migration policies, this interdisciplinary volume aims at transcending the academic sphere and appeals to a large public through argumentative reflections. Challenging the Borders of Justice in the Age of Migrations represents a fresh and timely contribution. IN A TIME when national interests are structurally overvalued and borders increasingly strengthened, it’s a breath of fresh air to read a book in which migration flows are not changed into a threat. We simply cannot understand the world around us through the lens of the ‘migration crisis’-a message the authors of this book have perfectly understood. Aimed at a strong link between theories of global justice and policies of border control, this timely book combines the normative and empirical to deeply question the way our territorial boundaries are justified. Professor Ronald Tinnevelt, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands.- THIS BOOK IS essential reading for those frustrated by the limitations of the dominant ways of thinking about global justice especially in relation to migration. By bringing together discussions of global justice, cosmopolitan political theory and migration, this collection of essays has the potential to transform the way in which we think and debate the critical issues of membership and movement. Together they present a critical interdisciplinary approach to international migration, human rights and global justice, challenging disciplinary borders as well as political ones. Professor Phil Cole, University of the West of England, UK.-

[EN] In this article we argue for a world in which open borders are the rule and not the exception. This argument is based on the general recognition of ius migrandi as a basic right of persons. An open-border immigration policy is preferable—at least from a normative standpoint—to the typical policies designed to control or block borders through the simplistic mode of constructing walls. On the basis of a global conception of distributive justice as suggested by cosmopolitan egalitarians, we claim that open-door policies—or, failing in that, the implementation of a system of economic compensation for poor countries—provide powerful means to respond to the enormous inequalities that exist between countries and represent an appropriate way to order current migratory flows. [ES] En este artículo se arguye a favor de un mundo en donde las fronteras abiertas sean la regla y no la excepción. Para ello, se presentan dos tipos de argumentos. El primero se basa en el reconocimiento general del ius migrandi como un derecho fundamental de las personas. Además de un modo idóneo de ordenar los actuales flujos migratorios, una política migratoria de fronteras abiertas es preferible, al menos desde un punto de vista normativo, a las habituales políticas diseñadas para controlar o bloquear las fronteras mediante la construcción de muros. El segundo se asienta sobre una concepción global de la justicia distributiva desarrollada por los igualitaristas cosmopolitas, se sostiene que una política de puertas abiertas –o, en su defecto, un modelo de compensación económica– constituiría un modo de responder a las enormes desigualdades existentes entre los países.

El ideal cosmopolita desarrollado por Kant en su breve escrito La paz perpetua , publicado en 1795, ha gozado de una inmensa influencia y conserva aún hoy una indiscutible vigencia. En su formulación original el ideal kantiano se encontraba íntimamente ligado a la necesidad de encontrar medios adecuados para superar el estado de guerra en el que la historia humana se ha instalado. Tres son las principales propuestas kantianas al respecto: la formación de gobiernos democráticos, la instauración de una federación de Estados libres y la constitución de un derecho cosmopolita. Estas ideas son examinadas a lo largo del presente artículo a la luz de los problemas de las actuales relaciones internacionales, y con especial referencia a dos recientes textos de Rawls y Habermas

El propósito principal de este libro es mostrar hasta qué punto el pensamiento teórico de Habermas está animado por un fuerte aliento práctico, más concretamente práctico-político, con el que concretaría el muy ilustrado propósito de hacer uso público de la razón. De hecho, la intencionalidad práctica de su pensamiento es tan destacada que el conjunto de su obra se entiende mucho mejor si se la concibe, tal como él mismo insiste, como un intento de guiar con una finalidad emancipatoria el camino de la praxis, o, si se prefiere, de orientar racionalmente la acción política en las sociedades contemporáneas.

La migración internacional nos enfrenta con problemas irresolubles desde la figura moderna del Estado nacional, su concepto de ciudadanía y su noción de justicia. Juan Carlos Velasco critica las limitaciones y la orientación de las políticas contemporáneas que nos hacen percibir a la migración como una “invasión”, y propone un modo radicalmente diferente de entender e intervenir el fenómeno desde lo trasnacional. Nacer de uno u otro lado de una línea divisoria es un evento azaroso, no obstante delimitar la frontera es una construcción histórico-política: la desigualdad en las oportunidades que ofrecen las naciones es una situación estructural de injusticia que se perpetúa con las políticas de exclusión de los migrantes y la deslegitimación de su derecho a buscar una vida mejor. Esa circunstancia genera fracturas sociales, injustificables pero normalizadas, que imposibilitan alcanzar la justicia global. Velasco presenta un análisis completo que abarca las dimensiones política, jurídica y moral del tema, en el que lleva a la filosofía política a un terreno práctico del que se desprenden las claves para entender y actuar en esta nueva era en la que, debido a los conflictos sociales y políticos, la migración vuelve a ser argumento de discusión relevante. (Texto de la CONTRAPORTADA del libro)

La condición de nacional de un Estado ha dejado ser el requisito indispensable para el disfrute de los derechos asociados a la ciudadanía. La intensa transformación que las instituciones estatales ha experimentado con el avance imparable de los procesos de globalización, así como el notable progreso de la cultura de los derechos humanos a nivel nacional e internacional, se encuentran entre los factores determinantes de importantes cambios normativos que afectan a la vida cotidiana de los inmigrantes. Éstos desarrollan con frecuencia diferentes formas de vinculación con el Estado receptor que no necesariamente pasan por la adquisición de la ciudadanía.