Renato Cristi

Sidney: Court Maxims. Edited and introduced by Hans Blom, Eco Haitsma‐Muller and Ronald Janse. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (Cambridge/New York/Melbourne: Cambridge University Press: 1996). xxxix + 216 pp., £35.00 cloth, £12.95 paper.The Politics of Women's Work: The Paris Garment Trades, 1750–1915. By Judith G. Coffin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 289 pp., $35/£28.50 cloth.Rethinking the Political: Gender, Resistance, and the State. By Barbara Laslett, Johanna Brenner, and Yesim Arat, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) 498 pp., $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper.Sacco and Vanzetti: The Anarchist Background. By Paul Avrich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 265 pp., $14.95.Changing the Rules: Psychology in the Netherlands 1900–1985. By Trudy Dehue (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), ix + 204 pp., £30.00/$49.95 cloth.The Love Affair as a Work of Art. By Dan Hofstadter (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1996), xxii + 314 pp., $24.00.Music in the Castle: Troubadours, Books and Orators in Italian Courts of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries. By F. Alberto Gallo (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 147 pp., $45.00/£35.95 cloth, $19.95/£15.95 paper.Imperialism and Its Contradictions. By V. G. Kiernan, ed. by Harvey J. Kaye (London/New York: Routledge, 1995), xii + 218 pp., £11.99 paper.Cholera in Post‐Revolutionary Paris, A Cultural History. By Catherine J. Kudlick, Studies in the History of Society & Culture, 25 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), xiv + 293 pp., $40.00/£30.00 cloth.Legal Medicine in History. Edited by Michael Clarke and Catherine Crawford, Cambridge History of Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xi + 364 pp.,£40.00 cloth.The Reign of Henry VIII: Politics, Policy and Piety. 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By Ira Katznelson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), xx + 192 pp., n.p.g.After the Fact: Two Countries, Four Decades, One Anthropologist. By Clifford Geertz (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), 198 pp., $22.95.French Literary Fascism: Nationalism, Anti‐Semitism, and the Ideology of Culture. By David Carroll (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), ix+ 299 pp. £29.95.Nietzsche, Genealogy, Morality: Essays on Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morals, Edited by Richard Schacht, Philosophical Traditions Series, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), xxl + 479pp.Critical Heidegger. Edited by Christopher Macann (London/New York: Routledge, 1996), 284pp., £40.00/£12.99.The God Within: Kant, Schelling, and Historicity. By Emil L. Fackenheim, edited by John Burbidge (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 252 pp., $75.00/£56.00 cloth.The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848. By Paul W. Schroeder (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), xxii + 894 pp., £45.00/$49.95.Dueling: The Cult of Honor in Fin‐de‐Siècle Germany. By Kevin McAleer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), xiii + 268 pp., H.B., n.p.g.Hegel's Social Philosophy: The Project of Reconciliation. By Michael O. Hardimon (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), vii + 278 pp., $18.95 paper.The French Tradition and the Literature of Medieval England. By William Calin (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), xvi + 508 pp., $29.95 paper.Extreme‐Occident: French Intellectuals and America. By Jean Philippe Mathy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) 305 pp., U.K. and Eire, $13.50 paper/£39.50 cloth. All other countries except U.S.A., Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, $19.50 paper/$56.25 cloth.The Combing of History. By David William Cohen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), xxv + 264 pp., £38.25/$55.25 cloth, £14.25/ $20.75 paper.Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life. By Theodore M. Porter (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), xiv + 310 pp., $24.95/£19.95 cloth.Special Sorrows: The Diasporic Imagination of Irish, Polish, and Jewish Immigrants in the United States. By Matthew Frye Jacobson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), 321 pp., $45.00 cloth.The Confessions and Correspondence, including the Letters to Malesherbes. The Collected Writings of Rousseau, Volume 5. Edited by Christopher Kelly, Roger D. Masters and Peter G. Stillman, translated by Christopher Kelly (Hanover/London: University Press of New England, 1995), xxxvi + 700 pp., $60.00 cloth.Heidegger, Dilthey and the Crisis of Historicism. By Charles R. Bambach (Ithaca/London: Cornell University, 1995), xii + 297 pp., $46.75 cloth, $20.85 paper.Three Discourses: A Critical Modern Edition of Newly Identified Work of the Young Hobbes. Edited by Noel B. Reynolds and Arlene Saxonhouse (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) pp. ix + 181 pp., $27.50/£21.95. cloth.Telemachus: Son of Ulysses. By Francois de Fenelon, edited and translated by Patrick Riley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 340 pp., £40.00/$59.95 cloth, £14.95/$19.95 paper.Nietzsche's Case: Philosophy as/and Literature. By Bernd Magnus, Jean‐Pierre Mileuv, Stanley Stewart (London: Routledge, 1994), xi + 284 pp., £12.99 paper.Maltese Political Development 1798–1864, A Documentary History. By Henry Fredo (Malta: Interprint, 1993) xv+ 921 pp., n.p.g.Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain, 1000–1300. By Janet Burton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), xi + 354 pp., $69.95 cloth, $18.95/£12.95 paper.Louis VIII: Le Lion. By Gerard Silvery (Paris: Fayard, 1995), 473 pp., 150.00 FF, paper.The Music of the Heavens: Kepler's Harmonic Astronomy. By Bruce Stephenson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 260 pp.The Final Solution: Origins and Implementation. Edited by David Cesarani (London: Routledge, 1994) 318 pp., £35.00 cloth, ISBN 0415–09954–4.Keeping Together in Time: Dance and Drill in Human History. By William H. McNeill (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), viii + 198 pp., $22.00 cloth.Philosophy as a Way of Life: Spiritual Exercises from Socrates to Foucault. By Pierre Hadot, translated and edited by Arnold Davidson (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), viii + 309 pp., n.p.g.Appetites and Identities: An Introduction to the Social Anthropology of Western Europe. By Sara Delamont (London/New York: Routledge, 1995), 254 pp., $59.95 cloth, $18.95 paper.Reformation to Revolution: Politics and Religion in Early Modern England. Edited by Margot Todd (London: Routledge, 1995), xiii + 279 pp., £11.99 paperback.Novalis: Signs of Revolution. By William Arctander O'Brien (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1995), viii + 376 pp., £47.95 cloth/£ 17.95 paper.Chopin at the Boundaries: Sex, History and Musical Genre. By Jeffrey Kallberg (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), 301 pp., $45.00.Holland and the Dutch Republic in the Seventeenth Century: the Politics of Particularism. By J. L. Price (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 312 pp., $52.00/£35.00 cloth.Aspects of British Political History, 1815–1914. By Stephen J. Lee (London/New York: Routledge, 1994), viii + 375 pp., n.p.g.Sentimental Narrative and the Social Order in France, 1760–1820. By David L. Denby (Cambridge Studies in French, 47) (Cambridge University Press, 1994), xi + 281 pp., £37.50. ISBN 0 52143086 0Platonism and the English Imagination. Edited by Anna Baldwin and Sarah Hutton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), xv + 357 pp., £40.00/ $59.95 cloth. ISBN 0–521–40308–1.Art and Eloquence in Byzantium. By Henry Maguire 2d ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 111 figs. + xxiii + 148 pp., $18.95 paper.Money and Magic: A Critique of the Modern Economy in the Light of Goethe's Faust. By H.‐ C. Binswanger, with a postcript by Irving Fetscher, translated by I. E. Harrison. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 132 pp. $24.75 cloth.Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss: The Hidden Dialogue. By Heinrich Meier, translated by J. Harvey Lomax (Chicago/ London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995), 156 pp., $19.95/£15.95 cloth, ISBN: 0–226–51889–2Men, Ideas and Tanks: British Military Thought and Armoured Forces, 1903–1939. By J. P. Harris (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), viii + 342 pp., £40.00 cloth, £14.99 paper.Une histoire du paradis, II: Mille ans de bonheur. By Jean Delumeau. (Paris: Fayard, 1995), 496 pp., 150.00 FF, paper.Narrative Ethics. By Adam Zachary Newton (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), xi + 335 pp., $39.95.War and Economy in the Third Reich. By R. J. Overy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 390 pp., n.p.g.Between Reformed Scholasticism and Pan‐Protestantism: Jean‐Alphonse Turretin (1671–1737) and Enlightened Orthodoxy at the Academy of Geneva. By Martin I. Klauber (Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press; London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1994), 244 pp., £29.95.The Writing of Melancholy. Modes of Opposition in Early French Modernism. By Ross Chambers, translated by Mary Seidman Trouille (Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 1993), xiv + 239 pp., $29.95 cloth.Idle Hands: The Experience of Unemployment, 1790–1990. By John Burnett (London/New York: Routledge, 1994), ix + 368 pp., £14.99 paper.The American Radical. Edited by Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Harvey J. Kaye (New York/London: Routledge, 1994), 380 pp., £14.99 paper.

Este ensayo analiza la conjunción libertad/autoridad defendida por el republicanismo clásico. Como pensador moderno, Maquiavelo recupera esta síntesis clásica y define la autoridad como la condición de posibilidad de la libertad. Pero, como muestra Eric Nelson, el republicanismo de Maquiavelo es más ateniense que romano. El republicanismo de Michael Sandel tiene una orientación similar. Basado en la ontología social desarrollada por Arendt y Taylor, Sandel postula el valor intrínseco de las nociones de participación y soberanía popular. De este modo, él puede refutar la objeción de Rorty y su interpretación idiosincrática de Dewey. Según Sandel, Dewey critica el rechazo liberal de la autoridad y es capaz de articular orgánicamente la autoridad democrática y la libertad. This essay analyzes the conjunction freedom/authority defended by classical republicanism. As a modern thinker, Machiavelli retrieves this classical synthesis and defines the authority of law as the condition of possibility for freedom. But, as Eric Neson shows, Machiavelli's republicanism is more Athenian than Roman. Michael Sandel's democratic republicanism has a similar orientation. Besed on the social ontology developed by Arendt and Taylor, Sandel postulates the intrinsic value of the notions of participation and popular sovereignty. In this way he can refute Rorty's objections and his idiosyncratic interpretation of Dewey. According to Sandel, Dewey criticizes liberalism's rejection of authority and is able organically to articulate democratic authority and freedom.

Nedelsky and Kelsen criticize the notion of subjective rights. While Nedelsky does so on the basis of a relational theory of rights founded on the Hegelian intersubjective recognition, Kelsen rejects Hegel’s theory of rights because property, the paradigmatic subjective right, appears to be constituted prior to intersubjectve recognition. This paper probes into Hegel’s conception of property to elucidate the root of the divergence between Nedelsky and Kelsen. Pierson v. Post is examined as an illustration of that divergence.

In his struggle against Weimar, Geneva, and Versailles, Carl Schmitt enlisted a number of political thinkers as confederates—Machiavelli, Hobbes, Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald, Juan Donoso Cortés, Benjamin Constant, and Hegel. The legitimacy of this claim has gone unchallenged except in the case of Hegel. Many have felt that his liberal credentials, most clearly manifested in his conception of civil society and his allegiance to the reformist policies espoused in Prussia by H.F.K. von Stein, K.A. von Hardenberg, and Wilhelm von Humboldt, were compromised by Schmitt, who appears to have opposed liberalism and contributed to the demise of the Weimar republic. Schmitt’s attempt to tie Hegel’s views to the political outlook of Hobbes and de Maistre also discredits his speculative stance. Jean-François Kervégan’s extraordinary book seeks to extricate Hegel from this troubling association and attempts both to defend Hegel’s liberalism and confirm the philosophical nature of his argument. Without diminishing Schmitt’s Hegelian debt, his exhaustive comparative study, supported by impeccable scholarship, attempts to show that Schmitt distorted Hegel’s liberalism by disregarding the dialectical intent of his philosophy. In the process, Kervégan aims to preserve the Hegelian legacy from any contamination that might accrue to it from association with Schmitt.

This paper criticizes the postmodern view that Nietzsche opposed authority in general and the authority of the state in particular. This view exaggerates Nietzsche's individualistic tendencies and ignores the important role that non-normative political authority plays in his thought. Nietzsche's preference for the aristocratic states of antiquity and his antagonism towards the modern democratic state should be taken into account. The modern democratic state demands normative authority based on popular consent, while the ancient aristocratic state made room for the non-normative authority of charismatic leaders as well as tradition

In his struggle against Weimar, Geneva, and Versailles, Carl Schmitt enlisted a number of political thinkers as confederates—Machiavelli, Hobbes, Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald, Juan Donoso Cortés, Benjamin Constant, and Hegel. The legitimacy of this claim has gone unchallenged except in the case of Hegel. Many have felt that his liberal credentials, most clearly manifested in his conception of civil society and his allegiance to the reformist policies espoused in Prussia by H.F.K. von Stein, K.A. von Hardenberg, and Wilhelm von Humboldt, were compromised by Schmitt, who appears to have opposed liberalism and contributed to the demise of the Weimar republic. Schmitt’s attempt to tie Hegel’s views to the political outlook of Hobbes and de Maistre also discredits his speculative stance. Jean-François Kervégan’s extraordinary book seeks to extricate Hegel from this troubling association and attempts both to defend Hegel’s liberalism and confirm the philosophical nature of his argument. Without diminishing Schmitt’s Hegelian debt, his exhaustive comparative study, supported by impeccable scholarship, attempts to show that Schmitt distorted Hegel’s liberalism by disregarding the dialectical intent of his philosophy. In the process, Kervégan aims to preserve the Hegelian legacy from any contamination that might accrue to it from association with Schmitt.

Este ensayo analiza la conjunción libertad/autoridad defendida por el republicanismo clásico. Como pensador moderno, Maquiavelo recupera esta síntesis clásica y define la autoridad como la condición de posibilidad de la libertad. Pero, como muestra Eric Nelson, el republicanismo de Maquiavelo es más ateniense que romano. El republicanismo de Michael Sandel tiene una orientación similar. Basado en la ontología social desarrollada por Arendt y Taylor, Sandel postula el valor intrínseco de las nociones de participación y soberanía popular. De este modo, él puede refutar la objeción de Rorty y su interpretación idiosincrática de Dewey. Según Sandel, Dewey critica el rechazo liberal de la autoridad y es capaz de articular orgánicamente la autoridad democrática y la libertad. This essay analyzes the conjunction freedom/authority defended by classical republicanism. As a modern thinker, Machiavelli retrieves this classical synthesis and defines the authority of law as the condition of possibility for freedom. But, as Eric Neson shows, Machiavelli's republicanism is more Athenian than Roman. Michael Sandel's democratic republicanism has a similar orientation. Besed on the social ontology developed by Arendt and Taylor, Sandel postulates the intrinsic value of the notions of participation and popular sovereignty. In this way he can refute Rorty's objections and his idiosyncratic interpretation of Dewey. According to Sandel, Dewey criticizes liberalism's rejection of authority and is able organically to articulate democratic authority and freedom

While Hegel’s political philosophy has been attacked on the left by republican democrats and on the right by feudalist reactionaries, his apologists see him as a liberal reformer, a moderate who theorized about the development of a free-market society within the bounds of a stabilizing constitutional state. This centrist view has gained ascendancy since the end of the Second World War, enshrining Hegel within the liberal tradition. In this book, Renato Cristi argues that, like the Prussian liberal reformers of his time, Hegel was committed to expand the scope of a free economy and concurrently to ensure that the social practice of subjective freedom did not endanger political stability and order. Aware that a system of mutual advantage failed to integrate the members of civil society and that profound social disharmonies were ineradicable, Hegel adopted the views of the French liberal _doctrinaires_, who sought to realize the principles of the French Revolution by supporting Louis XVIII’s sovereign assertion of the monarchical principle. Not surprisingly, Hegel hailed the French _Charte_ of June 1814 as a beacon of freedom. Endorsement of the monarchical principle was meant to prevent the atomized individuals of civil society from gaining control of the state through appeals to popular sovereignty. This challenges most conventional interpretations of Hegel’s theory of the state and draws it closer to the conservative-authoritarian end of the political spectrum than is usual