Toby Rollo

Future generations face a precarious political, economic, and environmental outlook that follows from decision making systems organized to reward short term gains while deferring their costs into the future. This article argues that the failure is primarily institutional rather than moral. Adults are accountable only to other adults, and there is no systematic mechanism of transgenerational accountability. This absence is guaranteed by a culture of generational segregation, within which children are confined to age stratified institutions while adults dominate the sites where economic and political norms are negotiated, producing a democratic deficit that conflicts with the principle that those affected by norms ought to participate in their formation. Youth encounter this exclusion as a kind of generational apartheid and often withdraw from democratic life, turn toward nihilism, or embrace reactionary politics. The exclusion of children is commonly justified through a definition of politics as rational deliberation over scarce resources, yet the most vital resources are materially abundant. Scarcity is instead produced through adult rent-seeking practices that restrict access and concentrate advantage, shaping the self-imposed problems addressed by political science and the assumptions of political philosophy. Across these literatures, accountability remains confined to contemporaneous adults, while appeals to future generations rely on moral commitments that are easily overridden by short-term interests. The article argues for an unadulterated democracy centered on a strong interpretation of the principle of affected interest, requiring institutions to treat children as political contemporaries to whom adults are accountable.

The emerging field of comparative political theory (CPT) seeks to expand our understanding of politics through intercultural dialogues between diverse systems of political thought. CPT acknowledges diverse modes of political understanding, yet the field is still methodologically focused on textual forms of political practice and learning. I argue that the privileging of political literature in CPT has been inherited from orthodox political theory and the history of political thought and that the prioritizing of text over oral and enactive practices places constraints on intercultural dialogue. First, methodological focus on texts inhibits dialogue with Indigenous traditions that do not prioritize text in the same way or to the same extent in the reproduction of political culture. Second, the incorporation of oral traditions tends to conflate orality with text in ways that obfuscate the contribution of enactive performance. One result of these methodological oversights is that CPT risks recapitulating some of the historical exclusionary logics that it seeks to overcome.

“Confrontando el Adultocentrismo: Intervenciones Infancistas y Decoloniales en las Filosofías e Instituciones Educativas” explora el potencial transformador del infancismo (childism) como una orientación para criticar y transformar el adultismo y la colonialidad dentro de la educación. Editado por Tanu Biswas y Toby Rollo, el dossier especial se basa en las discusiones del Childism Institute para centrar a los niños como agentes epistémicos y desafiar la marginalización estructural de la infancia en los ámbitos sociopolíticos y filosóficos. El infancismo deconstruye y critica los sesgos adultocéntricos, proponiendo un cambio profundo hacia el reconocimiento de la interdependencia entre infancia y adultez, y perspectivas relacionales únicas como esenciales para la justicia intergeneracional. Los artículos examinan cómo los sistemas educativos tradicionales (eurocéntricos) refuerzan las jerarquías adultistas, viendo a los niños y a las niñas como seres incompletos en una fase preparatoria llamada "infancia". Abogan por la reimaginación de los sistemas educativos con relaciones pedagógicas inclusivas en cuanto a edad, donde los niños y las niñas participen como contribuyentes activos. Los temas clave incluyen la educación democrática y la liberación como un proyecto intergeneracional, las críticas decoloniales de las filosofías de la infancia subyacentes a las prácticas educativas y el papel de los niños y de las niñas como agentes epistémicos y activistas. Algunas contribuciones argumentan a favor de desmantelar las estructuras adultistas e integrar a los niños, niñas y la infancia en marcos democráticos y liberadores. Otras vinculan explícitamente el adultismo con la colonialidad, mostrando cómo los proyectos coloniales eurocéntricos infantilizaron a los pueblos colonizados. Los artículos extienden el alcance del infancismo para abordar los legados históricos de la opresión racializada y epistémica, incluyendo exploraciones de imágenes racializadas de la infancia. Colectivamente, el dossier impulsa el infancismo como una intervención oportuna para reconfigurar la educación, la filosofía y las políticas, abrazando las contribuciones presentes de los niños y fomentando la equidad intergeneracional.

Indigenous peoples encounter restrictions on their modes of reasoning and account-giving within democratic sites of negotiation and deliberation. Political theorists understand these restrictions as forms of exclusion related to what theorist Iris Young has called the ‘internal exclusion’ of subordinated perspectives and theorist James Bohman has referred to as the ‘asymmetrical inclusion’ of such perspectives. ‘Internal exclusion’ refers to ways in which actors are formally accepted into decision-making processes, only to find their perspectives disqualified due to informal but no less pervasive criteria of exclusion. ‘Asymmetrical inclusion’ refers to the undue burdens placed on marginalized peoples to persuade dominant communities. It is argued in light of these problems that more inclusive institutions as well as the cultivation of an ethos of receptivity will be necessary for genuine inclusion. I argue that this focus on enriching dialogue can mischaracterize the nature of disagreement between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.Disagreement does not only arise between opinions or discourses that can be articulated and judged, but also at a deeper level, between the background assumptions against which practices of articulation and judgment are understood. Territorial state sovereignty, I argue, is a background understanding that can render sites of democratic negotiation inhospitable to Indigenous claims. I conclude that when thinking through Indigenous equality and autonomy, theorists should be attuned to the sites and conditions of dialogue that might serve to reinscribe relations of domination and exclusion.

The social contract tradition has been critiqued for harboring ‘domination contracts’ that exclude women, people of color, people with disabilities, and others from political life. In this article, I build on these critical analyses to argue that the liberal ideal of the reasoning and speaking citizen entails the anti-democratic disqualification of ‘silent’ citizens such as young children and many peoples with intellectual disabilities. The liberal veneration of voice and the corollary vilification of silence represent the internal logic of all domination contracts, since it is by comparison to silent children and peoples with disabilities that groups such as women and people of color are viewed as justifiably excluded. I identify two distinct but interacting forms of liberal disqualification: (1) contingent domination contracts, which can be potentially disputed and temporarily resolved by proving a group’s fulfilment of the qualifications of speech and reason; and (2) structural domination contracts, which cannot be resolved for ‘silent’ citizens. Moreover, any viable challenge to a contingent domination contract must centre on the democratic inclusion of silent citizens, which itself will require the reconceptualization and redesign of political processes, as well as workplaces, economies, and other social institutions.

The emerging field of comparative political theory (CPT) seeks to expand our understanding of politics through intercultural dialogues between diverse systems of political thought. CPT acknowledges diverse modes of political understanding, yet the field is still methodologically focused on textual forms of political practice and learning. I argue that the privileging of political literature in CPT has been inherited from orthodox political theory and the history of political thought and that the prioritizing of text over oral and enactive practices places constraints on intercultural dialogue. First, methodological focus on texts inhibits dialogue with Indigenous traditions that do not prioritize text in the same way or to the same extent in the reproduction of political culture. Second, the incorporation of oral traditions tends to conflate orality with text in ways that obfuscate the contribution of enactive performance. One result of these methodological oversights is that CPT risks recapitulating some of the historical exclusionary logics that it seeks to overcome.

The deliberative systems approach is a recent innovation within the tradition of deliberative democratic theory. It signals an important shift in focus from the political legitimacy produced within isolated and formal sites of deliberation (e.g., Parliament or deliberative mini-publics), to the legitimacy produced by a number of diverse interconnected sites. In this respect, the deliberative systems (DS) approach is better equipped to identify and address defects arising from the systemic influences of power and coercion. In this article, I examine one of the least explored and least understood defects: the exclusion of non-speaking political actors generated by the uniform privileging of speech in all sites within a system. Using the examples of prefigurative protest, Indigenous refusal to deliberate, and the non-deliberative agency of disabled citizens, I argue that the DS approach allows theorists to better understand forms of domination related to the imposition of speech on those who are either unwilling or unable to speak.

The binary between the figure of the child and the fully human being is invoked with regularity in analyses of race, yet its centrality to the conception of race has never been fully explored. For most commentators, the figure of the child operates as a metaphoric or rhetorical trope, a non-essential strategic tool in the perpetuation of White supremacy. As I show in the following, the child/human binary does not present a contingent or merely rhetorical construction but, rather, a central feature of racialization. Where Black peoples are situated as objects of violence it is often precisely because Blackness has been identified with childhood and childhood is historically identified as the archetypal site of naturalized violence and servitude. I proceed by offering a historical account of how Black peoples came to inherit the subordination and dehumanization of European childhood and how White youth were subsequently spared through their partial categorization as adults.

Settler colonialism is structured in part according to the principle of civilizational progress yet the roots of this doctrine are not well understood. Disparate ideas of progress and practices related to colonial dispossession and domination can be traced back to the Enlightenment, and as far back as ancient Greece, but there remain unexplored logics and continuities. I argue that civilizational progress and settler colonialism are structured according to the opposition between politics governed by reason or faith and the figure of the child as sinful or bestial. Thus, it is not contingent, but rather necessary that justificatory frameworks of European empire and colonialism depict Indigenous peoples as children. To illustrate how the theoretical link between Indigenous peoples and children emerges not as a simple analogy, but rather, as the source of the premodern/modern and savage/civilized binaries, I trace the various historical iterations of the political/childhood opposition through the classical, medieval, enlightenment, and modern eras. I show how the model of civilizational progress from a premodern and savage state of childhood continues to serve as the model for settler colonial exclusion and domination of Indigenous peoples.