Yara Frateschi Vieira

This paper investigates whether and to what extent Giorgio Agamben's political theory offers theoretical resources to reflect on the issue of the emancipation of women in contemporary capitalist democracies. My goal is to investigate whether the Estate of Exception theory helps us to think about gender subjugation, which causes the constraint of women's participation in public life, their economic marginalization and cultural domination. I intend to suggest that this theory is internally blocked to deal with the gender issue, which is mainly due to its diagnosis of contemporary democracies based on an excessive focus on government machinery and dominant institutions and the related negligence of civil society, its specific demands, its struggles and effective achievements. I also intend to question if this diagnosis would suggest that women's achievements, since the end of the nineteenth century, are illusory or not significant.

O presente artigo é marcado pela preocupação em alargar o chamado cânone da filosofia ocidental, patrocinada pela tradição filosófica e sua narrativa triunfalista, levada a cabo pela história da filosofia de ontem e de hoje, com sua disposição de celebrar a Filosofia mainstream e as grandes mentes masculinas, como Kant e Descartes. Trata-se de alargar o cânone filosófico e de relançar o projeto das humanidades, em defesa de uma “história da filosofia aberta e feminista”, tendo ao centro Elisabeth da Bohemia, Emilie du Châtelet, Madame de Scudéry e Madeleine de Sablé, além de Macaulay e Christine de Pizan.

Important scholars are used to emphasizing the dialogue between Arendt and Heidegger when seeking sources of Arendtian political thinking. Without rejecting the relevance of Heidegger, the central idea behind my interpretation is that Arendt asks and answers the fundamental question of her political philosophy by establishing a dialogue, above all, with Marx. This article aims at highlighting the fact that it is by refusing the theory of classes and its unraveling in the Marxist utopia that she created the notion of “natality”, on which she bases human plurality. And that it is by refuting the definition of man as animal laborans that she finds man’s specificity in his capacity for action and communication

In this article, I argue that Amy Allen’s approach of gender issues in The Politics of Our Selves is precarious and partial insofar as it is focused on an analysis of subjection aiming to explain “how subordinated individuals come to be psychically invested in and attached to their subornation” 2. Although this is an undeniable aspect of gender subordination, it does not tackle the complexity of its symbolic and material causes. My main thesis is that Allen does not offer the best model for feminist Critical Theory in light of the complexities of capitalist societies, much less to the feminist struggles in the Global South, deeply marked by poverty, social inequality, racism and all sorts of violence against women.

A partir da polêmica entre Hobbes e Bramhall acerca do livre-arbítrio, pretendo mostrar que o argumento de Hobbes que torna compatível a negação da liberdade da vontade com a responsabilização e justa punição dos pecadores é o mesmo argumento utilizado nas obras políticas para sustentar a justiça da lei positiva e da punição civil. Nos dois casos, Hobbes faz a justiça derivar do poder ? seja de Deus ou do soberano civil ? e ser por ele regulada. Analogamente ao Deus imortal, o deus mortal é justo em todas as suas ações porque o seu poder é absoluto e irresistível.