Dale Snauwaert

The purpose of this paper is to interpret and further articulate the nature of a mode of moral thought articulated in the Russell-Einstein Manifesto in response to the existential risk of nuclear conflict, a risk that has been exacerbated by the Russian invasion of Ukraine justified by its underlying thinking in the form of the Putin Doctrine, and to suggest the need for and the method of educating global citizens as a way to minimize that risk. The above perspective-taking from the moral point of view of humanity is one of impartiality. As discussed below, impartiality presupposes in turn the recognition of all parties to any moral claim as moral equals and that any claim must be reciprocal in two senses: (1) one party cannot rightly claim for itself what it denies others and (2) all parties affected by the claim have a right of reasonable rejectability.

The purpose of this article is to revisit Brown as a paradigmatic understanding of social justice and its barriers, by reconsidering Brown in light of the three moral pillars of democracy identified by Cornel West (2004). West maintains that authentic deep democracy is grounded in three fundamental capacities and dispositions, or pillars: (a) Socratic questioning, (b) a prophetic commitment to justice, and (c) tragicomic hope. West's articulation of these pillars constitutes 20 a philosophical framework for the exploration of the basic demands of justice in a democratic society. These moral pillars can also offer useful insights into this phase of living exploration of Brown and its central place in educational studies

The purpose of this essay is to articulate and defend the epistemological foundations of international human rights education from the perspective of a hermeneutical interpretive methodology. Fuad Al-Daraweesh and Dale Snauwaert argue here that this methodology potentially alleviates the challenges that face the cross-cultural implementation of human rights education. While acknowledging the necessity of global human rights awareness, the authors maintain that local cultural conceptualization is imperative to the negotiated, local embrace of human rights. A critical, interpretive pedagogy emerges from grounding human rights education in a hermeneutic methodology. Thus, Al-Daraweesh and Snauwaert advocate taking a hermeneutical approach in order to enlarge the scope and meaning of international human rights education.

The restructuring of school governance, especially in urban school districts, is fundamental in current educational reform. This book provides a model of school governance based upon participatory democracy, derived from the "developmental" tradition in political theory. The result is a system of governance that is fundamentally integrated, in that it is simultaneously participative, communicative, associative, and nonviolent, as well as sensitive to the need for collective, democratic deliberation concerning community-wide interests. This model is critically compared to the bureaucratic model of school governance and current school-based management plans.

This book explores the normative dimensions of peace studies and peace education through the lens of moral and political philosophy. The purpose is to explore the idea of peace as a matter of justice, and to articulate a pedological framework for the development and exercise of citizens’ capacities for moral reasoning and judgment regarding potential responses to the basic questions of justice, including resisting injustice. The just conditions necessary for peace are contingent upon the informed participation of democratic citizens who are capable of becoming dynamic agents of justice. The development of citizens’ capacity for moral reasoning and judgment is of paramount importance, for it constitutes a necessary condition for the realization of justice and peace on all levels of human society, from local to global. The book will be of interest to both students and all those interested in thinking about peace as a matter of justice.

The purpose of this thesis is to articulate a model of school governance based upon the "developmental" conception of democracy derived from the political thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, John Stuart Mill, Karl Marx, John Dewey, and Mohandes K. Gandhi. In the process the philosophical underpinnings of current school governance, as well as school-based management alternatives, are explored. The analytic framework used in this study is referred to as "constitutional choice." Constitutional choice entails the articulation of political principles, consistent with cherised values, from which design specifications for the organization of particular governmental structures are derived. Constitutional choice applies equally to all institutions of human governance, including schools. It is argued that the current model of school governance is premised upon the value of efficiency from which the principle of expert control and the design specifications of centralized decision-making authority and bureaucratic administration are derived. It is argued that implicit in this model is the "elite" conception of democracy, as exemplified in the political thought of Max Weber, Joseph Schumpeter, Sammuel Huntington, among other political theorists. The elite conception of democracy maintains that decision-making authority should be the exclusive perogative of experts, reducing popular participation to the periodic selection of elites. In contrast to the current system of school governance, an alternative model is articulated based upon the value of human development. This model is consistent with a constellation of principles and design specifications which comprise the central core of the developmental conception of democracy. This conception maintains that the ultimate end of government is the development of human beings, and that direct democracy is the system of governance most conducive to human development. The model proposed here forms a system of governance that is fundamentally "integrated," in that it is simultaneously participative, communicative, associative, and non-violent, as well as being sensitive to the need for collective, democratic deliberation concerning the public interest. This model is compared with current school-based management proposals, with particular reference to the Chicago plan