Nuria Sánchez Madrid

Neoliberal Techniques of Social Suffering: Political Resistance and Critical Theory from Latin America and Spain is the result of the critical and political commitment of various Latin American and Spanish philosophers who share a critical approach to the global “stealth revolution” in recent decades, where neoliberalism has forced the well-being and reproduction of life to adapt to a system devastating for both humans and non-humans. The authors voice the shared concern of contemporary Spanish and Latin American societies to build new conceptions of the public and the common through mobilizing affects usually disavowed in political theory. If, in Ancient Greece, the idea of strengthening the most vulnerable and weakest was deplored as the art of sophists, this collection edited by Laura Quintana and Nuria Sánchez Madrid explores the other side of our social world to revive grassroots strategies of resistance and emancipation, which are able to bring about new distributions of power, welfare, and discursive legitimation and to extend our goal of creating a radically democratic world.

For a long time, Kant’s Doctrine of Right languished in relative neglect, even among Kantians. The work was best known for its uncompromising views on punishment and revolution, and for a seemingly limited and not particularly original emphasis on private property. Kant’s more interesting political claims were often said to be located elsewhere: in the third Critique (Hannah Arendt, Patrick Riley), or the structure of the critical project (Onora O’Neill). When John Rawls explained why his theory of justice could be given a ‘Kantian interpretation’, he drew on concepts found just in Kant’s moral philosophy, bypassing the Doctrine of Right entirely. In recent years, however, there has been an expanding body of work on the Doctrine of Right, by writers like B. Sharon Byrd and Joachim Hruschka, Arthur Ripstein, Elisabeth Ellis, and Lea Ypi. Ripstein and Ellis, in particular, have sought to reframe the arguments of Kant’s text in terms more congenial to contemporary legal and political theory. But can Kant’s arguments really be applied to twenty-first-century political debates? The authors in this collection of essays explore this question in different ways, by looking at different aspects of Kant’s text. What is distinctive about Kant’s conception of the social contract, or human rights? Can a Kantian political philosophy concern itself with poverty and welfare rights? Can a Kantian affirm a conception of civil disobedience? What kind of view should a Kantian have of international relations? Can Kant’s views on punishment be reconciled with a conception of forgiveness? What would a Kantian position be in contemporary debates about marriage? The authors of this volume do not always agree with one another, but they always seek to be faithful to the text, and to understand what a political position grounded in the Doctrine of Right would look like in twenty-first-century terms.

This volume offers novel and provocative insights into vulnerability and exclusion, two concepts crucial for the understanding of contemporary political agency. In twelve critical essays, the contributors explore the dense theoretical content, complex histories and conceptual intersection of vulnerability and exclusion. A rich array of topics are covered as the volume searches for the ways that vulnerable and excluded groups relate to each other, where the boundary between the excluded and the included arises, and what the stakes of ‘invulnerability’ might be. Drawing on the works of Hegel, Helmuth Plessner and Hannah Arendt to situate the project in a solid historical context, the volume likewise tackles pressing and contemporary issues such as the state of human capital under neoliberalism, the flawed nature of democracy itself, and the vulnerability inherent in extreme precarity, extreme violence, and interdependence. The contributions come from philosophers with a range of backgrounds in social philosophy and critical social sciences, who use related conceptual tools to tackle the political challenges of the 21st century. Together, they present a ground-breaking overview of the main challenges which social exclusion presents to contemporary global societies.

This book discusses the potential for Kant's political and juridical philosophy to shed light on current social challenges and policy. By considering Kant as a contemporary and not above moral responsibility, the authors explore his political theory as the philosophical foundation of human rights, discussing the right to citizenship, social dynamics and the scope of global justice. Focusing on topics such as society, Kant's position on human rights, domestic economic justice, public education and moral virtue, the authors analyse the shortcomings of Kant's modes of thought and help the reader to gain new perspective both on this classical thinker and on more contemporary issues.

"Commentateur aussi atypique que profond des œuvres de Kant, Hegel et Nietzsche auxquelles il a consacré trois livres, Kant et la fin de la métaphysique (1970), La Patience du Concept (1972) et L’Envers de la dialectique (2004), Gérard Lebrun gagne, peu à peu, une actualité grandissante, qui réside dans une entière occupation du temps. Après avoir reconsidéré le fameux problème de la « fin de la métaphysique » selon une perspective kantienne, et pour être resté lecteur de Hegel, mais aussi de Hegel et de Nietzsche, quand presque toute la philosophie française des années 60 et 70 désertait la dialectique spéculative en laissant pour toute alternative Hegel ou Nietzsche, Gérard Lebrun a résisté, par le passé, aux passions de son temps. Il livre, au présent, une leçon fondamentale, de l’ordre de la perspective du texte. Sa lecture est sans marges, elle ne s’interrompt pas, elle ouvre sur une lisibilité des œuvres philosophiques indissociable de la maturation des problèmes et de la langue de cette maturation. Cette manière de lire compose toujours en même temps un non-lieu où est le livre (puisqu’il n’est ni un passé, ni un présent, et ni l’un ni l’autre), c’est-à-dire le lieu atopique et scripturaire d’une mémoire où ne cesse de se totaliser l’innombrable des lectures — une lisibilité pour esprit libre."--Page 4 de la couverture.

Este artículo examina la protección jurídica resultante del derecho cosmopolita en Kant con el fin de arrojar luz sobre su articulación con la protección ofrecida por el derecho político estatal. En primer lugar, analizaré el tratamiento de la _equidad_ en la _Doctrina racional del Derecho_, como un espacio normativo que, sin recurrir a la coacción legal, transmite al sujeto la deuda en que se encuentra con los individuos más desfavorecidos económicamente. En segundo lugar, comentaré algunos textos en que Kant se ocupa del respeto legal que merecen los _pueblos sin Estado_. La reflexión kantiana sobre la vulnerabilidad jurídica en estos dos casos me permitirá sostener que el planteamiento de la protección legal en clave cosmopolita funciona como un operador regulativo en el derecho político kantiano, llamado a orientar la conducta de Estados y ciudadanos en el trato que deparan al resto de sujetos que habitan la Tierra. Por ello mismo, esta interpretación subraya el hecho de que el derecho cosmopolita en Kant aparezca como un derecho privado de coacción en la filosofía política de Kant.

This chapter shall mainly focus on strategies of resistance against the alleged neutral perspective adopted by the liberal tradition of social and political theory vis-à-vis the plurality of personal expectations about happiness and well-being. I shall first support that material and symbolic hindrances that individuals and groups find as they pursue happiness, as well as stave off pain and suffering, belong to a set of troubles that politics ought to face and attempt to forestall in the entangled context of global neoliberal society. Second, I aim at tackling how the current provision of global standards of forms of life, spread as a homogeneous norm by large companies and media, brings about large spaces of precariousness, lack of recognition and social death, which are often misinterpreted in public as a subjective uneasiness, when not directly viewed as a personal disability. Finally, I shall explore whether the classical liberal disclaimer before economic and social misfortune of citizens has been seized by neoliberalism as an excellent opportunity to make of liveability an unexpected source of business and profitability, drawing as a conclusion that it engages a deep disrepair of our affective life and health.

Este volumen presenta la primera recopilación sistemática de diálogos y discusiones que especialistas hispanohablantes en el pensamiento de Immanuel Kant mantienen desde hace años con la dilatada obra de la Profesora Emérita de la Universidad de Cambridge, Onora O´Neill, Baronesa de Bengarve. Las contribuciones de destacados estudiosos de Argentina, México y España se centran en la actualización de la racionalidad práctica kantiana por parte de O´Neill, con especial atención a la interpretación del contractualismo, las condiciones de la justicia, la construcción del espacio público, la fundamentación de los derechos humanos y la lógica de la autoconfianza en la acción, sin la que la autonomía quedaría carente de una base sólida. La Profesora O´Neill ha redactado un texto expreso para presentar los trabajos reunidos en el volumen, en el que realiza un balance de su amplio itinerario intelectual, señalando algunos hitos en torno a los que se articulan los capítulos. Las editoras confían en que esta publicación resulte del interés del público especializado en la discusión contemporánea sobre el pensamiento práctico de Kant, tomando como guía en esta ocasión a una de sus intérpretes actuales más prestigiosas.

The article tackles with the role that Kantian notion of temperament plays within his theory of practical freedom. With this purpose, we will connect Kant’s approach to temperaments with the classical Greek approach to this principle of classification, in order to recognize in it the means to feel the passage of time and also the conditions of our relation to the world, that is, a physiological-empirical background for the exercise of freedom that, without being moral, shelter contents which reason will only try to reform, without expecting to silence it entirely. Our final goal is to extract relevant observations to answer adequately to Kant’s question What is Man?

Resumen Ante el dilema de si la Lógica de Hegel debe entenderse como una ontología o como una continuación del proyecto kantiano de la lógica trascendental, el artículo sostiene que no es propiamente una ontología, ni un análisis de conceptos y categorías subjetivas. Su vocación metafísica se basa en el postulado según el cual la reflexión del pensamiento sobre sí mismo tiene consecuencias para la comprensión del ser de lo que no es pensamiento, de modo que resulta ser un proyecto novedoso de ontología mediada por la autorreflexión del pensar.This text faces the dilemma whether Hegel’s Logic must be understood as ontology or as continuation of the Kantian project of transcendental logics. It upholds the thesis that Hegel’s Logic is not properly an Ontology -a direct and immediate description of object’s immanent way of being- nor an analysis of merely subjective concepts and categories. The metaphysical vocation of Hegel’s Logic draws rather on the claim that thought’s self-reflection has necessarily consequences for the comprehension of the being of all that is not thought. Hence, we are facing a groundbreaking project of an ontology that is mediated by thought’s self-reflection.

Deception scholars have argued that increasing the liar’s cognitive system artificially can produce deception cues. However, if too much load is imposed the truth tellers’ performance can also be impaired. To address this issue, we designed a veracity task that incorporated a secondary task to increase cognitive load gradually. Also, because deception has been associated with activity in the inferior frontal cortex (IFC), we examined the influence of transcranial direct current stimulation of the IFC on performance. During stimulation, participants truthfully or deceptively indicated whether each of a number of statements shown on screen was true or not. Higher load decreased recall but not general compliance or response times (RTs). Truthful trials yielded higher compliance rates and faster RTs than deceptive trials except for the highest load level. Anodal right stimulation decreased compliance in truthful trials when participants were not overloaded. Truth telling was more vulnerable to cognitive load and tDCS than lying.

Les personnages tragiques de Heinrich von Kleist composent toute une théorie de la conscience totale, installée simultanément dans l’ambivalence du jugement et la quête de l’inconditionné, qui devient le véritable objet d’une critique de la raison pratique cohérente. Dans ce contexte, les figures du Prince de Hombourg et de Michael Kohlhaas représentent deux voies vers la découverte de cette vérité pratique difficile à supporter par le sujet, qu’on pourrait considérer comme la sortie que Kleist trouve pour sa célèbre Kantkrise. Les deux exemples encouragent à conclure que l’exploration de la raison pratique conduit chez Kleist à une théorie du désir pur, propulsé par une pulsion de réalité pure, dont la densité ontologique renvoie plus au monde (sans restrictions pragmatiques) des songes qu’au territoire fini des phénomènes.